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Election Outcome Could Put 'Strain' On Union
英國大選和新政府面臨的挑戰
Over the past 4 years, our first passed poll system has tended to produce single-party gorvenments swinging between the Labour and Conservatives. But they are losing their shared boats as samller parties gain in popularity.
過去四年,我們最初通過的選舉體系似乎一直產生工黨和保守黨之間選擇的單黨執政的政府 。但是由于較小的黨派開始受歡迎,兩者之間二選其一的格局被打破 。
Whoever win the next general eleciton, a lot of voters are going to be unhappy. There is a chance that the prime minster might come from a party that hasn't got a large share of the vote and might not even have the largest number of seats in parliament. But how would you feel if you are a UK broad green voter. You may get a large propotion of votes, but only a handful of seats. These are big issues, and in the last parliamentary session, the people had their say on 2 major constitutional issues: first, on changing the voting system for the alternative vote and then on Scottish independence, and they were rejected both.
無論誰贏得下次大選,許多選民都會不高興 。首相可能來自沒有獲得大多數選票,甚至在議會也沒有大多數席位的黨派 。但是如果你是綠黨選民,你感覺如何呢?你可能會獲得較大比例的選票,但是在議會只擁有幾個席位 。這些都是大問題 。在上次的議會中,人們在兩個重大的憲法問題上擁有決定權,首先是將投票制度改變為選擇投票制,然后就是針對蘇格蘭獨立,他們都投了反對票 。
Despite losing the referendum, the Scottish national party continues to strive powerfully ahead and on our calls to become the third largest party in Westminster. This could make their leader Nicola Sturgeon the Kingmaker, determining whether David Cameron remains as prime minister or has to step aside for Ed Miniband.
盡管在全民公投中失敗,蘇格蘭民族黨繼續蓬勃發展,響應我們的呼喚,逐漸成為威斯敏斯特第三大黨派 。這將使他們的黨魁斯特金(Nicola Sturgeon)成為擁立國王者,決定卡梅倫能夠繼續擔任首相還是讓賢給米利班德 。
A pivotal role for a party that is only standing in one of the 4 nations of the United Kingdom and it is likely to get only around 4% of the total vote.
僅在大不列顛及北愛爾蘭聯合王國的四個小國家之一占據一席之地的黨派發揮著關鍵作用,他們很可能在全部投票中只贏得大約4%的選票 。
If the nationally sentiment found here in Glasgow is merit across the rest of Scottland, then SMP could win up to 55 seats, largely from Labour.
如果格拉斯哥的愛國主義情緒蔓延到蘇格蘭其它地方,SMP可能會贏得55個席位,主要從工黨手中贏得 。
So as to where to be a new Labour prime minister, it would almost certainly be dependent upon the support of the SMP.
至于工黨是否會誕生新的首相,很大程度上將取決于SMP的支持 。
He would also be governing over a largely conservative boating in England. Rather ironic, given the previous years of conservative rule over a Labour voting Scottland. This would inevitably put further strength on a cohesion of the union. Once again, raised the solid issue of whether it is fair for Scottish MPs to vote on matters of facing only England.
他還將通過英格蘭的保守人士的支持來執政 。鑒于過去幾年蘇格蘭在工黨投票時的保守主義原則,這非常諷刺 。這不可避免會對聯合王國的一致性增加新的力量 。這再次引起人們對一個問題的思考,蘇格蘭議員在只有英格蘭面臨的問題上投票是否公平 。
And ultimately, put the question of Scottish independence back on the agenda.
最后,再次將蘇格蘭獨立的問題提上日程 。
You might imagine that the voters in Scottland and elsewhere have had their belly full of constitutional arguments. When offered the chance to change to the alternative vote system as where we are electing MPs to this house. They gave a resounding no thanks. But the other side of the coin, is an undeniable sense public dissatisfaction, a desire for change for something different, but what? If this general election doesn't produce a result, that satisfies the majority of voters. There is a danger that the existing dissatisfaction might be compounded,developing into further anger and frustration and however that anger finds its expression, there is a danger that it will make the politician's job and neither the civil servant are whole lot harder.
你或許會想象蘇格蘭和其他地方的選民思考的都是憲法辯論 。然而,一旦有機會改變為選擇投票制將決定我們在哪里選舉議員 。他們堅定地拒絕了 。但是另外一方面,是不可否認的公眾不滿,作出改變的渴望,這是為什么呢?如果這次大選沒有產生結果,這會讓大部分選民滿意 。現存的不滿可能有加重的危險,進一步發展為憤怒和沮喪情緒,然而民眾的憤怒找到了表達方式 。還有另一種風險,就是政客的工作更加困難 。