評論
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That's why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation, and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons. That is consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That is our responsibility as the world's two leading nuclear powers. And while I know this goal won't be met soon, pursuing it provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and eventual use of nuclear weapons.
正是出于這個原因，美國堅決要求制止核擴散，最終爭取實現全世界不存在核武器的目標。這與我們在《不擴散核武器條約》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)中作出的承諾相一致。這是我們作為全世界兩個核大國需要承擔的責任。盡管我知道這個目標不可能很快實現，但爭取實現這個目標可以為防止核武器擴散并避免其實際使用提供法律和道義的基礎。
We're already taking important steps to build this foundation. Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems. We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy, which must be a right for all nations that live up to their responsibilities under the NPT. And we agreed to increase cooperation on nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear material within four years.
我們已經為奠定這個基礎邁出了重大步伐。昨天，梅德韋杰夫總統和我為兩國談判達成一項新的條約取得了進展。這個條約將大大減少我們的彈頭和運載系統的數量。我們重申我們致力于核能源的潔凈、安全與和平使用，所有根據《不擴散核武器條約》履行其職責的國家都有權獲得這樣的核能。我們同意加強在核安全問題上的合作，這對于達到在四年內保障所有危險核材料的安全的目標至關重要。
As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations accountable for theirs. Whether America or Russia, neither of us would benefit from a nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East. That's why we should be united in opposing North Korea's efforts to become a nuclear power, and opposing Iran's efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon. And I'm pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a joint threat assessment of the ballistic challenges -- ballistic missile challenges of the 21st century, including from Iran and North Korea.
在我們履行自己的承諾之時，我們還必須使其他國家為他們做出的承諾負責。不論美國還是俄羅斯，我們兩國都不可能從東亞和中東的核武器競賽中獲益。正是由于這個原因，我們應該共同反對北韓成為核國家，共同反對伊朗獲得核武器。我感到高興的是，梅德韋杰夫總統和我同意對彈道導彈問題──21世紀彈道導彈構成的挑戰，包括來自伊朗和北韓的威脅──聯合進行威脅評估。
This is not about singling out individual nations -- it's about the responsibilities of all nations. If we fail to stand together, then the NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international law will give way to the law of the jungle. And that benefits no one. As I said in Prague, rules must be binding, violations must be punished, and words must mean something.
此事并非針對個別國家，而是涉及到所有國家的責任。如果我們不能采取共同立場，那么《不擴散核武器條約》和聯合國安理會的信譽就會喪失殆盡，國際法就會被弱肉強食的法則取代。這對任何人都沒有好處。我曾在布拉格(Prague)表示，規則必須有約束力，違者必罰，言必有信。
The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of disagreement. I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for missile defense in Europe. And my administration is reviewing these plans to enhance the security of America, Europe and the world. And I've made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a potential attack from Iran. It has nothing to do with Russia. In fact, I want to work together with Russia on a missile defense architecture that makes us all safer. But if the threat from Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile program is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in Europe will be eliminated, and that is in our mutual interests.
成功地執行這些規則有助于消除產生分歧的根源。我知道俄羅斯反對在歐洲部署導彈防御系統的計劃。為了加強美國、歐洲和全世界的安全，本屆政府正在審議有關計劃。我已明確表示，這個系統的目的在于防止可能來自伊朗的襲擊，與俄羅斯無關。事實上，我希望與俄羅斯在導彈防御框架的問題上相互合作，從而加強我們大家的安全。但一旦排除了來自伊朗核計劃和彈道導彈計劃的威脅，在歐洲部署導彈防御系統的驅動力將不再存在。這符合我們的共同利益。
Now, in addition to securing the world's most dangerous weapons, a second area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and defeating violent extremists.
除了限制全世界最危險的武器之外，美國具有重大國家利益的第二個問題是孤立并戰勝暴力極端主義分子。
