評論
打印
一是“威脅論”。根據西方近代史上的經驗，“國強必霸”，因此西方一些人認為中國的發展是威脅，世界政治格局的演變是一種零和游戲，你升我降，你興我衰，中國的“韜光養晦”政策就是“臥薪嘗膽”。持這種觀點的人去年非常得意，他們自以為找到了新的例證，將中國在南海、釣魚島問題上正當維護自己主權的行動視作“強硬”，認為中國外交已經開始咄咄逼人。我想，我們還是應該聽聽美國國務卿克林頓上周是如何評價這種觀點的：“在亞太和美國，有人把中國的增長看成是威脅，或將導致冷戰式沖突，或將使美國衰敗”，“我們不接受這些看法”。事實上，堅持原則立場同是否強硬是兩碼事，國家之間打交道，重要的是看是否占“理”，“理直”才能“氣壯”，“理屈”自然“詞窮”。維護國家的主權、安全和發展利益，這就是中國外交的“理”，也是國際關系中的“理”。
Some see China as a threat. They look at the modern history of Western nations and conclude that "Rising powers are bound to seek hegemony".They see the shifting balance in the international political landscape with a zero-sum mentality. They believe China is "hiding its capabilities and biding its time" before pressing forward to dominate the region and ultimately the world. They point to recent acts by China to safeguard its sovereignty in the East and South China Seas as evidence of China's assertiveness. Let me quote from Secretary Hilary Clinton, who spoke about this just last week–"Some in the region and some here at home see China's growth as a threat that will lead either to Cold-War-style conflict or American decline. …We reject those views." I believe upholding principles and being assertive are two different things. What really matters is whether a country is on the right side. You can only make a strong case with good reasons. For China, safeguarding its interests in sovereignty, security and development is the right thing to do. This is a major principle in China's foreign policy, and is also a principle in international relations.
二是“責任論”，說是責任論，實際上是說中國“不負責任”。他們認為中國作為國際體系的一份子，享受了現行體系的好處，如經濟全球化和貿易自由化，但沒有做到也不愿去盡一個大國的責任，權利與責任不平衡，實力與作用不匹配，中國只是在“搭便車”。持這種觀點的人眼里就盯著氣候變化、朝核、世界經濟失衡等幾個問題，其實就拿這幾個問題來指責中國“不負責任”也顯得蒼白無力。比如，朝鮮半島局勢最近出現緩和，大家公認中國再次發揮了積極作用。更何況，中國積極參與國際經濟金融體系改革和治理，積極參加聯合國維和行動和打擊海盜，積極推動氣候變化、國際發展等全球性問題的解決。
Some believe China should take up more international responsibilities. These people complain that China has not fully honoured its obligations. They believe that China free-rides the current international system. It benefits significantly from globalisation and trade liberalisation, but is reluctant to assume the responsibilities of a major power. They criticize China for lack of responsibility in climate change, the Korean nuclear issue and global economic imbalances, etc. Nothing could be further from the truth. China has played an active role recently in easing tensions on the Korean Peninsula. China is taking an active part in the reform of the international economic and financial structures, in UN peacekeeping missions and in the fight against piracy. It is committed to working with other countries for solutions to global issues from climate change to international development.
三是，我稱為“跛腳論”。認為中國經濟發展趕上了世界的步伐，但政治、意識形態和價值觀上中國仍是“異類”，兩只腳不是一般長，走得不是一樣快。這樣的觀點，我認為實際上是將自己的價值標準套用到別人的頭上，是一種“自我中心論”，同時也是罔顧事實。中國改革開放的三十多年，難道只有經濟上的快速發展，沒有同步的政治與社會的進步和飛躍？兩者的脫離理論上不成立，實踐中也難以想象。事實上，與30多年前相比，中國不僅是經濟發生了天翻地覆的變化，中國的政治生態、社會結構都取得了大發展，中國政治制度正朝著穩定、民主和效率的方向協調和均衡前進，中國社會既開放，又多元；中國人民不僅生活得更加富裕，而且更加幸福。
Others see China as "a laggard" in certain aspects. They believe that despite China's economic strength, it has not kept pace in the areas of politics, ideology and values. This reflects a self-centred attempt to impose Western values and standards onto China. It defies common sense and logic to believe three decades of reform and opening-up have only brought China economic growth, but not political and social progress. Such logic is flawed in theory and in practice, as China has come a long way in its political and social development. Its political system is making balanced and coordinated progress towards stability, democracy and efficiency. And Chinese society has become more open and diverse, resulting in people not only becoming wealthier, but also happier.
四是“不定論”。對中國的走向既懷希望，又有疑慮。持這種觀點的人，在西方恐怕不在少數。這種觀點看似很中立，其實同樣有害，因為它可能導致西方迷茫甚至誤判，喪失的不僅是合作的機會，而且是自身發展的機遇。
Lastly, some believe China's future is uncertain. They are torn between hope and fear for China's development, but unsure which way China will turn. This view of China has a large following in the West. It may sound neutral, but it can easily lead to confusion and even miscalculation. That could result in lost opportunities for cooperation and damage to their own development.
那么，中國自己到底怎么看與世界的關系和融合問題。我認為，中國在三年前就將這個問題看得很清楚、說得很透徹。胡錦濤總書記在2007年向中共十七大作報告時指出：中國與世界的關系發生了歷史性變化；中國發展進步離不開世界，世界繁榮穩定也離不開中國；中國的前途命運日益緊密地同世界的前途命運聯系在一起。經過國際金融危機的洗禮后，我們對這個看法更加堅定和明確。那就是中國追求和諧發展，中國與世界的關系是一種良性互動。這種關系的特點有三：
So, how does China see its role and relationship with the world? China made this very clear three years ago. In his report to the 17th National Congress of the Communist Party in 2007, President Hu Jintao commented that "China's relations with the world have gone through historic changes. China cannot develop in isolation from the world, and the world's prosperity and stability requires China's contribution. China's future and destiny are increasingly linked to the rest of the world." The international financial crisis has only reaffirmed China's commitment to harmonious development and a positive relationship with the world. To achieve the goals of successful development:
