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It is unclear whether Mr. Trump was tempted to take that deal,
目前尚不清楚特朗普是否心動而有意接受這一協議，
which could have turned headlines away from the damaging testimony of his former lawyer, Michael D. Cohen, in Washington.
如果有，此事便會把新聞標題從他的前任律師邁克爾·D·科恩在華盛頓發表的破壞性證詞上轉移過來。
But Mr. Pompeo, who knew the details of the North Korean program intimately from his days as C.I.A. director, opposed it.
但龐培對此表示反對，在擔任中央情報局局長時，他就對朝鮮核計劃細節了如指掌了。
The president was told that if he settled for Yongbyon alone,
總統被告知，如果他決定只針對寧邊一個核武基地，
he might appear to have been duped by the young leader of a country renowned for hiding pieces of its nuclear program in tunnels around the country.
那么，從表面上看，他可能就被一個以在全國各地的隧道中藏核項目零頭聞名的年輕國家領導人欺騙了。
Mr. Pompeo said later that Mr. Kim’s offer “still leaves missiles, still leaves warheads and weapons systems” —
龐培先生后來說，金正恩的提議“還是會讓部分導彈，核彈頭和核武系統有機會留在朝鮮”——
and a senior State Department official argued that sanctions relief would fund the production of more weapons.
國務院一名高級官員辯稱，減輕制裁將會導致朝鮮有機會生產更多武器。
It also would have let the North continue to produce uranium,
還會讓朝鮮有機會在首都平壤附近的一個隱藏的濃縮中心繼續煉鈾，
a key ingredient for nuclear weapons, at a hidden enrichment center near the capital, Pyongyang —
鈾是制造核武器的一種關鍵原料——
one of several suspected nuclear sites beyond Yongbyon that the United States has been monitoring from afar for nearly a decade.
而該中心是寧邊之外的幾個疑為核武基地的地方之一，那些地方美國近十年來一直在遠程監控。
“I think that they were surprised that we knew,” Mr. Trump said.
“我們知道那些基地的位置，這點應該會令他們大吃一驚吧，”特朗普說。
In the end, the president took a brief walk with Mr. Kim around the hotel’s pool, shook his hand and then canceled lunch in a glassed pavilion.
最后，總統同金正恩繞著酒店的游泳池散了一會兒步，握了握手，然后取消了在一個玻璃亭子里共進午餐的計劃。
“This kind of opportunity may never come again,” Ri Yong-ho, North Korea’s foreign minister, told reporters later that night.
“這種機會可能永遠不會再有了，”朝鮮外長李英浩當晚晚些時候接受記者采訪時說到。
For a president who often complains that his predecessors only let the North Korea problem fester,
對于經常抱怨前任只會給朝鮮問題火上澆油的特朗普總統來說，
the 8,000-mile trek from Washington to Hanoi was a crash course in why those past presidents failed.
從華盛頓到河內長達8000英里的長途跋涉堪稱了解歷任總統為何失敗的一個速成班。
Many around Mr. Trump believe he will, too.
特朗普身邊的許多人也都相信他也會重蹈前任總統們的覆轍。
North Korea was the first international crisis of the Trump administration,
朝鮮核危機是特朗普政府面臨的第一場國際危機，
and discussion about how hard to press the country sometimes got heated.
有關如何向朝鮮施壓的討論有時也會變得十分激烈。
At one point, aides said they heard Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster, the national security adviser,
助手們一度表示，他們曾聽到國家安全顧問麥克馬斯特中將
and Jim Mattis, the defense secretary, shouting at each other behind closed doors.
和國防部長吉姆·馬蒂斯在緊閉的門后吵得不可開交。
General McMaster was intent on signaling to both North Korea and allies
麥克馬斯特將軍意圖向朝鮮及其盟友發信號，
that Mr. Trump was serious about enforcing sanctions and that he would not tolerate a nuclear North Korea.
告訴他們特朗普在落實對朝鮮的制裁一事是認真的，他不會容忍朝鮮擁有核武器。
In a series of Situation Room meetings, the administration reviewed options to ramp up sanctions and covert operations,
在一系列戰情室會議上，行政當局審查了加強制裁和秘密行動的各種方案，
including an Obama-era program of cyber sabotage against North Korean missiles.
包括奧巴馬時期制定的針對朝鮮導彈的網絡破壞計劃。
War plans were rewritten, and General McMaster spoke openly about the possibility of a “preventive war” if the threat grew.
他們重新制定了戰爭計劃，麥克馬斯特將軍還公開表示，如果威脅升級，可能會爆發“預防性戰爭”。
The shouting was prompted by General McMaster’s insistence
上文提到的爭吵的緣由是麥克馬斯特中將堅持要求馬蒂斯在公海攔截朝鮮船只，
that Mr. Mattis intercept North Korean ships on the high seas to determine whether they were engaged in sanctions busting.
以確定朝方是否違反了制裁。
But Mr. Mattis resisted, worried that the outbreak of a firefight at sea could quickly escalate out of control.
但馬蒂斯拒絕了，他擔心海上交火一旦開始，交火可能會迅速升級到失控的局面。
Mr. Kim, for his part, turned up the pressure, launching missile after missile,
金正恩發射了一枚又一枚導彈，
including new intercontinental ballistic models that appeared capable of hitting the United States.
包括新的看似能夠打到美國的洲際彈道模型，繼續對美國施壓。
There was also another nuclear test, which some experts believe may have been a hydrogen bomb, as the North claimed.
正如朝鮮聲稱的那樣，他們還進行了另一次核試驗，而一些專家認為試驗對象可能是一枚氫彈。
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