Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation. We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform. We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement. We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility. And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation - because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.

Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future. The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world. We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world. Let's be frank: neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate. Common sense calls upon us to act.

Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies. Together we can chart a low carbon recovery; we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy; and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond. And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.

展望未來，我們可以深化合作。我們可以通過增加透明度和進行監管改革，提高金融穩定性。我們可以尋求自由公平的貿易，尋求達成一份雄心勃勃而又均衡的多哈回合協議。我們可以改革國際機構，以便中國等發展中國家能發揮與自己更大的責任相稱的更大作用。此外，隨著美國人更多地儲蓄，中國人更多地消費，我們就能將增長建立在一個更加可持續的基礎上──因為正如中國從大規模投資和利潤可觀的出口獲益了一樣，中國也能成為美國商品的一個巨大市場。

其次，我們可以合作發展有關一個清潔、安全和繁榮的能源未來上的共同利益。美國和中國是世界上最大的兩個能源消費國，也是最大的溫室氣體排放國。讓我們坦白地承認：兩國都不會從對進口石油依賴加重中獲益，除非我們進行合作，否則兩國也無法使本國人民免遭氣候變化的災難。常識要求我們行動起來。

兩國都在采取措施，轉變本國的能源經濟。我們可以攜手計劃一場低碳排放的復蘇；我們可以擴大研發上的共同努力，推廣清潔有效的能源利用，我們可以一起努力在丹麥哥本哈根舉行的氣候變化大會等國際論壇上制定一種全球性的應對方法。培養創新，進而增加我們的安全與繁榮的最佳途徑是，保持市場對新觀點、新交流和新能源的開發。

Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Make no mistake: the more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used. Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia. That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations. And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.

This is not about singling out any one nation it is about the responsibility of all nations. Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year. And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move toward disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. A balance of terror cannot hold. In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.

再次，我們可以合作推進在反核武器擴散上的共同利益。要清楚：越多的國家擁有核武器，這種武器越有可能被使用。無論是美國還是中國都不希望一個恐怖分子獲取炸彈、或是在東亞爆發核軍備競賽。正因為如此，我們必須繼續合作以實現朝鮮半島的無核化，并向朝鮮明確表明，如果朝鮮履行自己的義務，就可以走上通往安全和尊重的道路。也正因為如此，我們還必須聯合起來防止伊朗獲得核武器，并敦促其兌現自己的國際承諾。

這并不是針對任何一個具體的國家，而是所有國家的責任。我們必須合作確保全球各地所有易受攻擊的核材料的安全，這也將是明年全球核峰會的一個重點。我們必須攜手加強《不擴散核武器條約》，重申條約的基本觀點：擁有核武器的國家要向無核化邁進，沒有核武器的國家將不會獲取核武器；所有的國家都能利用用于和平目的的核能?？植榔胶庹静蛔∧_。在21世紀，一個強有力的全球性機制是擺脫世界上最致命武器威脅的唯一基礎。