So these statements made by our respective governments should offer the basis for a meaningful agreement. We should be able to achieve a resolution that respects the rights of the Iranian people, while giving the world confidence that the Iranian program is peaceful. But to succeed, conciliatory words will have to be matched by actions that are transparent and verifiable. After all, it's the Iranian government’s choices that have led to the comprehensive sanctions that are currently in place. And this is not simply an issue between the United States and Iran. The world has seen Iran evade its responsibilities in the past and has an abiding interest in making sure that Iran meets its obligations in the future.

因此，我們各自的政府發表的這些聲明應當為達成一項有實質意義的協議奠定基礎。我們應當能夠達成一個尊重伊朗人民的權利，同時讓全世界對伊朗項目的和平性質感到放心的解決方案。但為了取得成功，和解的言詞還必須有相應的透明的、可核實的行動。歸根結底，是伊朗政府作出的選擇才導致了目前正在實施的全面制裁措施。而且這不僅僅是美國與伊朗之間的一個問題。全世界都看到了伊朗過去曾經逃避責任，并始終關注著確保伊朗今后履行其各項義務。

But I want to be clear we are encouraged that President Rouhani received from the Iranian people a mandate to pursue a more moderate course. And given President Rouhani’s stated commitment to reach an agreement, I am directing John Kerry to pursue this effort with the Iranian government in close cooperation with the European Union -- the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia and China.

但我要闡明，魯哈尼總統已受命于伊朗人民要推行一條更溫和的路線，這令我們受到鼓舞。鑒于魯哈尼總統已公開闡明致力于達成一項協議，我指示約翰·克里同伊朗政府共同推進這項努力，并與歐盟密切合作——與英國、法國、德國以及俄羅斯和中國。

The roadblocks may prove to be too great, but I firmly believe the diplomatic path must be tested. For while the status quo will only deepen Iran’s isolation, Iran’s genuine commitment to go down a different path will be good for the region and the world, and will help the Iranian people meet their extraordinary potential -- in commerce and culture; in science and education.

事實可能會證明這條道路上的障礙太過巨大，但我堅信必須試一試外交途徑。因為維持現狀只會加深伊朗的孤立，而伊朗走上另一條道路的真正承諾將惠及該地區和全世界，并將幫助伊朗人民發揮他們卓越的潛力——在商貿和文化范疇以及科學和教育領域。

We are also determined to resolve a conflict that goes back even further than our differences with Iran, and that is the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. I’ve made it clear that the United States will never compromise our commitment to Israel’s security, nor our support for its existence as a Jewish state. Earlier this year, in Jerusalem, I was inspired by young Israelis who stood up for the belief that peace was necessary, just, and possible. And I believe there’s a growing recognition within Israel that the occupation of the West Bank is tearing at the democratic fabric of the Jewish state. But the children of Israel have the right to live in a world where the nations assembled in this body fully recognize their country, and where we unequivocally reject those who fire rockets at their homes or incite others to hate them.

我們還致力于解決比我們同伊朗之間的分歧還要久遠的沖突，那就是巴勒斯坦人和以色列人之間的沖突。我已闡明，美國絕不會在我們對以色列安全的承諾上以及我們對以色列作為一個猶太國家而存在的支持上妥協讓步。今年早些時候，在耶路撒冷，一些年輕的以色列人堅持相信和平是必要的、公正的、可能的，他們讓我深受鼓舞。而且我相信，在以色列國內有越來越多的人認識到占據西岸地區正在損害這個猶太國家的民主結構。但以色列的子民有權生活在這樣一個世界中：即在這個機構中集會的各國完全承認他們的國家，而且我們毫不含糊地駁斥那些向他們的家園發射火箭或煽動其他人憎恨他們的人。

Likewise, the United States remains committed to the belief that the Palestinian people have a right to live with security and dignity in their own sovereign state. On the same trip, I had the opportunity to meet with young Palestinians in Ramallah whose ambition and incredible potential are matched by the pain they feel in having no firm place in the community of nations. They are understandably cynical that real progress will ever be made, and they’re frustrated by their families enduring the daily indignity of occupation. But they too recognize that two states is the only real path to peace -- because just as the Palestinian people must not be displaced, the state of Israel is here to stay.

同樣地，美國依然致力于巴勒斯坦人民有權在自己的主權國家內過上安全的、有尊嚴的生活的信念。在同一次訪問中，我曾有機會與拉馬拉的年輕的巴勒斯坦人見面，他們的抱負及驚人的潛力與他們因在國家共同體中沒有穩固的一席之地而感到的痛苦相伴。他們認為永遠不會取得真正進展的悲觀懷疑的態度是可以理解的，他們還因自己的家人每天都要忍受被占領的屈辱而心灰意冷。但他們也認識到兩國并存是通往和平的唯一的真正途徑——因為正如巴勒斯坦人絕不應當流離失所，以色列國也定將長期存在。

So the time is now ripe for the entire international community to get behind the pursuit of peace. Already, Israeli and Palestinian leaders have demonstrated a willingness to take significant political risks. President Abbas has put aside efforts to short-cut the pursuit of peace and come to the negotiating table. Prime Minister Netanyahu has released Palestinian prisoners and reaffirmed his commitment to a Palestinian state. Current talks are focused on final status issues of borders and security, refugees and Jerusalem.

因此，時機業已成熟，整個國際社會均應支持尋求和平。以色列和巴勒斯坦領導人已經表現出承擔重大政治風險的意愿。阿巴斯主席已將試圖走捷徑實現和平的做法擱置一邊，并回到談判桌前。內塔尼亞胡總理已釋放巴勒斯坦囚犯，并重申他對一個巴勒斯坦國的承諾。目前的會談著重于邊界和安全、難民和耶路撒冷的最終地位問題。

So now the rest of us must be willing to take risks as well. Friends of Israel, including the United States, must recognize that Israel’s security as a Jewish and democratic state depends upon the realization of a Palestinian state, and we should say so clearly. Arab states, and those who supported the Palestinians, must recognize that stability will only be served through a two-state solution and a secure Israel.

現在，我們其他各方也必須愿意承擔風險。包括美國在內的以色列的朋友們必須認識到，以色列作為一個猶太國家和民主國家的安全取決于能否建立一個巴勒斯坦國，我們應當清楚地表明這一點。阿拉伯國家以及支持巴勒斯坦人的各方必須認識到，只有通過一個兩國解決方案并有一個安全的以色列，才能實現穩定。

All of us must recognize that peace will be a powerful tool to defeat extremists throughout the region, and embolden those who are prepared to build a better future. And moreover, ties of trade and commerce between Israelis and Arabs could be an engine of growth and opportunity at a time when too many young people in the region are languishing without work. So let’s emerge from the familiar corners of blame and prejudice. Let’s support Israeli and Palestinian leaders who are prepared to walk the difficult road to peace.

我們所有人都必須認識到，和平將是擊敗整個地區的極端主義分子并激勵那些準備建設更美好未來的人的有力手段。此外，在該地區有太多的年輕人因沒有工作而生活困苦的時候，以色列人與阿拉伯人之間的貿易和商業紐帶可以成為增長和機遇的引擎。因此，讓我們走出由來已久的指責和偏見的死角吧。讓我們支持以色列和巴勒斯坦領導人，他們已準備好踏上實現和平的艱難道路。

Real breakthroughs on these two issues -- Iran’s nuclear program, and Israeli-Palestinian peace -- would have a profound and positive impact on the entire Middle East and North Africa. But the current convulsions arising out of the Arab Spring remind us that a just and lasting peace cannot be measured only by agreements between nations. It must also be measured by our ability to resolve conflict and promote justice within nations. And by that measure, it’s clear that all of us have a lot more work to do.

在這兩個問題上——伊朗核問題以及以巴和平問題——取得真正的突破將對整個中東和北非地區產生深遠和積極的影響。但是，由阿拉伯之春而起的目前的動亂局勢提醒我們，一個公正和持久的和平不能僅由國家之間達成的協議來衡量，還必須以我們解決沖突并在各個國家內促進正義的能力來衡量。而在這一方面，很明顯，我們所有各方都有大量工作要做。

When peaceful transitions began in Tunisia and Egypt, the entire world was filled with hope. And although the United States -- like others -- was struck by the speed of transition, and although we did not -- and in fact could not -- dictate events, we chose to support those who called for change. And we did so based on the belief that while these transitions will be hard and take time, societies based upon democracy and openness and the dignity of the individual will ultimately be more stable, more prosperous, and more peaceful.

當和平過渡在突尼斯和埃及開始之時，整個世界都充滿了希望。盡管美國——和其他國家一樣——對轉變的速度趕到驚訝，盡管我們沒有——事實上也無法——決定事態，但我們選擇了支持那些呼吁改變的人。我們這么做所基于的信念是，盡管這些轉變困難重重、耗費時日，但建立在民主、開放和個人尊嚴的基礎之上的社會最終將更加穩定、更加繁榮、更加和平。

Over the last few years, particularly in Egypt, we’ve seen just how hard this transition will be. Mohamed Morsi was democratically elected, but proved unwilling or unable to govern in a way that was fully inclusive. The interim government that replaced him responded to the desires of millions of Egyptians who believed the revolution had taken a wrong turn, but it, too, has made decisions inconsistent with inclusive democracy -- through an emergency law, and restrictions on the press and civil society and opposition parties.

在過去幾年里，特別是在埃及，我們看到這一過渡有多么困難。穆罕默德·穆爾西是民主選舉選出來的，但事實證明他不愿或不能以全面包容的方式實行治理。取代他的臨時政府回應了數百萬認為這場革命已誤入歧途的埃及人的愿望，但這個政府也作出了與包容性民主不符的決定——實行《緊急狀態法》并對新聞界、公民社會和反對派施加限制。

Of course, America has been attacked by all sides of this internal conflict, simultaneously accused of supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, and engineering their removal of power. In fact, the United States has purposely avoided choosing sides. Our overriding interest throughout these past few years has been to encourage a government that legitimately reflects the will of the Egyptian people, and recognizes true democracy as requiring a respect for minority rights and the rule of law, freedom of speech and assembly, and a strong civil society.

當然，美國受到了這場內部沖突中所有各方的攻擊，他們同時指責美國支持穆斯林兄弟會以及策劃剝奪其權力。事實上，美國一直有意地避免支持任何一方。在過去的這幾年里，我們最重要的利益始終在于鼓勵一個以合法方式反映埃及人民意愿的政府，認識到真正的民主必須尊重少數派的權利和法治、言論和集會自由，并擁有一個強大的公民社會。

That remains our interest today. And so, going forward, the United States will maintain a constructive relationship with the interim government that promotes core interests like the Camp David Accords and counterterrorism. We’ll continue support in areas like education that directly benefit the Egyptian people. But we have not proceeded with the delivery of certain military systems, and our support will depend upon Egypt’s progress in pursuing a more democratic path.

今天，這依然是我們的利益所在。因此，在向前推進的過程中，美國將與增進《戴維營協議》和反恐怖主義等核心利益的臨時政府保持建設性的關系。我們將繼續在教育等直接惠及埃及人民的領域提供支持。但是，我們沒有交付特定的軍事系統，而且我們的支持將取決于埃及在尋求更加民主的道路上所取得的進展。

And our approach to Egypt reflects a larger point: The United States will at times work with governments that do not meet, at least in our view, the highest international expectations, but who work with us on our core interests. Nevertheless, we will not stop asserting principles that are consistent with our ideals, whether that means opposing the use of violence as a means of suppressing dissent, or supporting the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

我們對埃及的方針反映了更重要的一點：美國有時會與至少在我們看來沒有達到最高國際期望，但在我們的核心利益上與我們共同努力的政府展開合作。盡管如此，我們不會停止堅持主張與我們的理念一致的原則，無論這意味著反對將暴力作為壓制異見的手段，還是支持《世界人權宣言》所體現的原則。

We will reject the notion that these principles are simply Western exports, incompatible with Islam or the Arab World. We believe they are the birthright of every person. And while we recognize that our influence will at times be limited, although we will be wary of efforts to impose democracy through military force, and although we will at times be accused of hypocrisy and inconsistency, we will be engaged in the region for the long haul. For the hard work of forging freedom and democracy is the task of a generation.

我們將駁斥認為這些原則只不過是西方的舶來品，不適用于伊斯蘭教或阿拉伯世界的觀點。我們相信，這些是每個人與生俱來的權利。雖然我們認識到有時我們的影響力有限，盡管我們將謹防通過軍事力量強力推行民主的做法，盡管我們有時被指責為虛偽、言行不一，但我們仍將長期在這個地區參與接觸，因為打造自由和民主的艱苦努力是整個一代人的使命。

And this includes efforts to resolve sectarian tensions that continue to surface in places like Iraq, Bahrain and Syria. We understand such longstanding issues cannot be solved by outsiders; they must be addressed by Muslim communities themselves. But we’ve seen grinding conflicts come to an end before -- most recently in Northern Ireland, where Catholics and Protestants finally recognized that an endless cycle of conflict was causing both communities to fall behind a fast-moving world. And so we believe those same sectarian conflicts can be overcome in the Middle East and North Africa.

這包括努力解決在伊拉克、巴林和敘利亞等地不斷出現的宗派緊張關系。我們懂得，這種由來已久的問題無法由外來人解決；它們必須由穆斯林社區自己處理。但是，我們過去看到過激烈的沖突走向終結——最近的例子是北愛爾蘭，在那里，天主教徒和新教徒最終認識到，無休止的沖突循環導致這兩個社區被快速發展的世界甩在了后頭。因此我們相信，中東和北非那些同樣的宗派沖突是可以克服的。

To summarize, the United States has a hard-earned humility when it comes to our ability to determine events inside other countries. The notion of American empire may be useful propaganda, but it isn’t borne out by America’s current policy or by public opinion. Indeed, as recent debates within the United States over Syria clearly show, the danger for the world is not an America that is too eager to immerse itself in the affairs of other countries or to take on every problem in the region as its own. The danger for the world is that the United States, after a decade of war -- rightly concerned about issues back home, aware of the hostility that our engagement in the region has engendered throughout the Muslim world -- may disengage, creating a vacuum of leadership that no other nation is ready to fill.

總而言之，在談到我們決定別國內部事件的能力時，美國有一種來之不易的謙卑。美國帝國這一概念也許是有用的宣傳，但它沒有出現在美國當前的政策或公眾輿論中。確實，如最近在美國國內關于敘利亞問題的辯論明確顯示的那樣，世界的危險不是由于美國太急于陷入別國的事務，或者將該地區的每一個問題都當作自己的問題。世界的危險是，美國在經歷了10年戰爭后——理所當然地關心國內的問題，認識到我們在該地區的參與在整個穆斯林世界所產生的敵意——可能從中脫身，造成一個任何別國尚不能填補的領導真空。

I believe such disengagement would be a mistake. I believe America must remain engaged for our own security. But I also believe the world is better for it. Some may disagree, but I believe America is exceptional -- in part because we have shown a willingness through the sacrifice of blood and treasure to stand up not only for our own narrow self-interests, but for the interests of all.

我認為這種脫身會是個錯誤。我認為美國為了我們自身的安全必須保持接觸。但我也認為這樣做對世界更有利。有些人可能不同意，但我認為美國是獨特的——部分原因是，我們展現了我們愿意通過獻出自己的鮮血和財富挺身而出，不僅僅是為了狹隘的自身利益，而且為了所有人的利益。

I must be honest, though. We're far more likely to invest our energy in those countries that want to work with us, that invest in their people instead of a corrupt few; that embrace a vision of society where everyone can contribute -- men and women, Shia or Sunni, Muslim, Christian or Jew. Because from Europe to Asia, from Africa to the Americas, nations that have persevered on a democratic path have emerged more prosperous, more peaceful, and more invested in upholding our common security and our common humanity. And I believe that the same will hold true for the Arab world.

但我也必須實話實說。我們更有可能在那些愿意和我們合作的國家投入我們的精力，那些投資于人民而不是少數腐敗者；那些致力于這樣一個社會愿景的國家，即人人都能作貢獻——男人和婦女，什葉派或遜尼派穆斯林，基督教徒或猶太人。因為從歐洲到亞洲，從非洲到美洲，那些堅持走民主之路的國家變得更繁榮、更和平，更致力于維持我們共同的安全和我們共同的人性。我相信，阿拉伯世界也會同樣如此。

This leads me to a final point. There will be times when the breakdown of societies is so great, the violence against civilians so substantial that the international community will be called upon to act. This will require new thinking and some very tough choices. While the United Nations was designed to prevent wars between states, increasingly we face the challenge of preventing slaughter within states. And these challenges will grow more pronounced as we are confronted with states that are fragile or failing -- places where horrendous violence can put innocent men, women and children at risk, with no hope of protection from their national institutions.

由此引到我要談的最后一點。將會有這樣的時候，社會的崩潰如此巨大，針對平民的暴力如此嚴重，國際社會被呼吁采取行動。這將要求有新的思維并作出某種非常艱難的選擇。雖然聯合國的目的是防止國家之間的戰爭，但我們日益面臨防止國家內部屠殺的挑戰。當我們面對那些脆弱或失敗的國家時，這些挑戰變得越發明顯——在那些地方，駭人聽聞的暴力將無辜的男女和兒童置于危險之中，沒有希望得到國家機構的保護。

I have made it clear that even when America’s core interests are not directly threatened, we stand ready to do our part to prevent mass atrocities and protect basic human rights. But we cannot and should not bear that burden alone. In Mali, we supported both the French intervention that successfully pushed back al Qaeda, and the African forces who are keeping the peace. In Eastern Africa, we are working with partners to bring the Lord’s Resistance Army to an end. And in Libya, when the Security Council provided a mandate to protect civilians, America joined a coalition that took action. Because of what we did there, countless lives were saved, and a tyrant could not kill his way back to power.

我已經表明，即使當美國的核心利益沒有受到直接威脅時，我們也嚴陣以待，盡我們的責任防止大規模屠殺并保護基本人權。但是我們不能也不應該獨自承擔這一責任。在馬里，我們支持了法國的干預，成功擊退“基地”組織，也支持了維和的非洲部隊。在東非，我們正在同合作伙伴攜手消滅圣主抵抗軍。在利比亞，當安理會授權保護平民時，美國加入聯盟采取了行動。由于我們在那里的作為，無數生命得到拯救，一個暴君再也不能用屠殺奪回權力。

I know that some now criticize the action in Libya as an object lesson. They point to the problems that the country now confronts -- a democratically elected government struggling to provide security; armed groups, in some places extremists, ruling parts of a fractured land. And so these critics argue that any intervention to protect civilians is doomed to fail -- look at Libya. No one is more mindful of these problems than I am, for they resulted in the death of four outstanding U.S. citizens who were committed to the Libyan people, including Ambassador Chris Stevens -- a man whose courageous efforts helped save the city of Benghazi. But does anyone truly believe that the situation in Libya would be better if Qaddafi had been allowed to kill, imprison, or brutalize his people into submission· It’s far more likely that without international action, Libya would now be engulfed in civil war and bloodshed.

我知道，現在有些人將利比亞的行動作為實物教育加以批評。他們指出該國現在面臨的問題——民主選舉的政府難以提供安全；武裝團體，在有些地方是極端主義分子，統治著一個四分五裂的國家的某些地區。因此，這些批評人士說，任何保護平民的干預都注定要失敗——看看利比亞。沒有人比我更警覺這些問題，因為它們造成4名致力于利比亞人民福祉的杰出美國公民的死亡，包括克里斯·史蒂文斯大使——他富于勇氣的作為幫助拯救了班加西市。但是，任何人是否真的認為，如果讓卡扎菲任意殺戮、囚禁或用殘暴手段制服人民，利比亞的局勢會更好？如果沒有國際行動，更有可能出現的情況是，利比亞現在會陷入內戰和流血之中。

We live in a world of imperfect choices. Different nations will not agree on the need for action in every instance, and the principle of sovereignty is at the center of our international order. But sovereignty cannot be a shield for tyrants to commit wanton murder, or an excuse for the international community to turn a blind eye. While we need to be modest in our belief that we can remedy every evil, while we need to be mindful that the world is full of unintended consequences, should we really accept the notion that the world is powerless in the face of a Rwanda or Srebrenica· If that’s the world that people want to live in, they should say so and reckon with the cold logic of mass graves.

我們生活在一個不存在完美選擇的世界。不同的國家不可能每一次都對是否需要采取行動達成一致，同時主權原則是現行國際秩序的核心。但是，主權不能成為暴君恣意殺人的擋箭牌，也不能成為國際社會視若無睹的借口。雖然我們需要保持謹慎，不可認為我們能糾正所有的邪惡；雖然我們需要切記，這個世界處處可見始料未及的結果，但面對盧旺達或者斯雷布雷尼察出現的情景，難道我們真的應該接受全世界無能為力的看法嗎？如果這就是人們希望生活的世界，那么他們就應該直言不諱并接受萬人坑冷酷的邏輯。

But I believe we can embrace a different future. And if we don’t want to choose between inaction and war, we must get better -- all of us -- at the policies that prevent the breakdown of basic order. Through respect for the responsibilities of nations and the rights of individuals. Through meaningful sanctions for those who break the rules. Through dogged diplomacy that resolves the root causes of conflict, not merely its aftermath. Through development assistance that brings hope to the marginalized. And yes, sometimes -- although this will not be enough -- there are going to be moments where the international community will need to acknowledge that the multilateral use of military force may be required to prevent the very worst from occurring.

但是我相信，我們能擁有一個不同的未來。如果我們不想在無所作為和戰爭之間進行選擇，我們——我們所有的人——必須改進防止基本秩序崩潰的政策。通過尊重國家的責任和個人權利。通過有意義地制裁違反規則的人。通過堅持不懈的外交解決沖突的根源，不僅僅只考慮沖突的后果。通過為被邊緣化的人帶去希望的發展援助。不可否認，有時——盡管這并不夠——將會出現這樣的時刻，國際社會需要承認，可能有必要為防止出現最壞的局面使用多邊武力。

Ultimately, this is the international community that America seeks -- one where nations do not covet the land or resources of other nations, but one in which we carry out the founding purpose of this institution and where we all take responsibility. A world in which the rules established out of the horrors of war can help us resolve conflicts peacefully, and prevent the kinds of wars that our forefathers fought. A world where human beings can live with dignity and meet their basic needs, whether they live in New York or Nairobi; in Peshawar or Damascus.

最終，這是美國尋求的國際社會——各國不再覬覦他國的土地或資源；我們繼承這個機構的創建宗旨，共同承擔責任。在這樣的世界上，因考慮到戰爭的恐怖而建立的規則有助于我們和平解決沖突，并防范我們的前輩所經歷過的戰爭。在這樣的世界上，人類能有尊嚴地生活，基本需求得到滿足，不論居住在紐約還是在內羅畢；不論在白沙瓦還是在大馬士革。

These are extraordinary times, with extraordinary opportunities. Thanks to human progress, a child born anywhere on Earth today can do things today that 60 years ago would have been out of reach for the mass of humanity. I saw this in Africa, where nations moving beyond conflict are now poised to take off. And America is with them, partnering to feed the hungry and care for the sick, and to bring power to places off the grid.

這樣的時代是非凡的時代，可以提供卓越的機遇。由于人類的進步，如今在地球上任何地方出生的兒童能做的事情，60年前絕大多數人類還不可能做到。我在非洲看到這種情形，那里已經結束沖突的國家現已準備騰飛。美國與他們站在一起，共同向饑餓的人提供食品，向病人提供護理，并向沒有電網覆蓋的地區提供電力。

I see it across the Pacific region, where hundreds of millions have been lifted out of poverty in a single generation. I see it in the faces of young people everywhere who can access the entire world with the click of a button, and who are eager to join the cause of eradicating extreme poverty, and combating climate change, starting businesses, expanding freedom, and leaving behind the old ideological battles of the past. That’s what’s happening in Asia and Africa. It’s happening in Europe and across the Americas. That’s the future that the people of the Middle East and North Africa deserve as well -- one where they can focus on opportunity, instead of whether they’ll be killed or repressed because of who they are or what they believe.

我在整個亞太地區看到這種情形，幾億人在一代人的時間內擺脫了貧困。我在各地年輕人的臉上看到這種情形，他們點擊一個鍵就全知天下事，他們渴望投身于消滅極端貧困的事業中去，同氣候變化作斗爭，開創企業，拓展自由，并拋棄以往意識形態的爭斗。這就是亞洲和非洲正在發生的事情。這也是歐洲和整個美洲正在發生的事情。這也是中東和北非人民應有的前途——他們可以專注于機會，不再擔心是否會因為自己的身份或信仰被殺害或受到壓迫。

Time and again, nations and people have shown our capacity to change -- to live up to humanity’s highest ideals, to choose our better history. Last month, I stood where 50 years ago Martin Luther King Jr. told America about his dream, at a time when many people of my race could not even vote for President. Earlier this year, I stood in the small cell where Nelson Mandela endured decades cut off from his own people and the world. Who are we to believe that today’s challenges cannot be overcome, when we have seen what changes the human spirit can bring· Who in this hall can argue that the future belongs to those who seek to repress that spirit, rather than those who seek to liberate it·

世界各國和人民一次又一次展示了我們實現變革的能力——追隨人類的最高理念，選擇我們更美好的歷史道路。上個月，我站在50年前馬丁·路德·金向美國人民宣告自己夢想的地方。當年我這個種族的許多人甚至不能投票選舉總統。今年早些時候，我站在納爾遜·曼德拉忍受與他的人民和世界隔絕幾十年的小牢房。當我們看到人類精神帶來的種種變化時，還有誰會相信今天的挑戰不能被戰勝在今天這個會議大廳里，誰會說未來屬于那些試圖壓制這種精神的人而不是要求解放這種精神的人？

I know what side of history I want to the United States of America to be on. We're ready to meet tomorrow’s challenges with you -- firm in the belief that all men and women are in fact created equal, each individual possessed with a dignity and inalienable rights that cannot be denied. That is why we look to the future not with fear, but with hope. And that’s why we remain convinced that this community of nations can deliver a more peaceful, prosperous and just world to the next generation.

我知道我希望美利堅合眾國站在歷史的哪一邊。我們已經準備好與你們一起迎接明天的挑戰——我們堅信，所有的男男女女確實生來平等，人人應享有尊嚴和不可剝奪的權利。這就是為什么我滿懷希望而不是心存恐懼展望未來。這就是為什么我們堅信，國際社會能為下一代提供一個更和平、繁榮和正義的世界。

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

非常感謝大家。（掌聲）

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