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President Obama at U.N. General Assembly's 68th Session
奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在聯(lián)合國大會發(fā)表講話
24 September 2013
2013.09.24
THE WHITE HOUSE
白宮
Office of the Press Secretary
新聞秘書辦公室
September 24, 2013
2013年9月24日
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA
IN ADDRESS TO THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
奧巴馬總統(tǒng)在聯(lián)合國大會發(fā)表講話
United Nations
聯(lián)合國
New York, New York
紐約州紐約市
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen: Each year we come together to reaffirm the founding vision of this institution. For most of recorded history, individual aspirations were subject to the whims of tyrants and empires. Divisions of race and religion and tribe were settled through the sword and the clash of armies. The idea that nations and peoples could come together in peace to solve their disputes and advance a common prosperity seemed unimaginable.
奧巴馬總統(tǒng)：主席先生，秘書長先生，各位代表，女士們先生們：我們每年都舉行會議重申這個機構(gòu)成立的宗旨。在有歷史記載的大部分時期，個人的愿望往往受制于暴君和帝國肆意翻云覆雨的狂熱。種族、宗教和部落的四分五裂通過刀光劍影和兵戎相見成為定局。似乎難以想象，國家和人民可以和平共處，解決相互間的分歧，一起促進共同繁榮。
It took the awful carnage of two world wars to shift our thinking. The leaders who built the United Nations were not na·ve; they did not think this body could eradicate all wars. But in the wake of millions dead and continents in rubble, and with the development of nuclear weapons that could annihilate a planet, they understood that humanity could not survive the course it was on. And so they gave us this institution, believing that it could allow us to resolve conflicts, enforce rules of behavior, and build habits of cooperation that would grow stronger over time.
我們的觀念在經(jīng)過兩次世界大戰(zhàn)的血腥歷史后才得到改變。參與籌建聯(lián)合國的各位領(lǐng)導人原來并沒有抱任何幻想；他們不認為這個機構(gòu)可以從此消滅所有的戰(zhàn)爭。但是，在數(shù)百萬人喪生，各大洲成為一片瓦礫后，隨著可以毀滅整個地球的核武器得到研發(fā)，他們懂得，如果在這條道路上走下去，人類就無法繼續(xù)生存。為此，他們?yōu)槲覀儎?chuàng)建了這個機構(gòu)，相信有助于我們解決沖突，加強行為準則，建立可以長期鞏固發(fā)展的合作模式。
For decades, the United Nations has in fact made a difference -- from helping to eradicate disease, to educating children, to brokering peace. But like every generation of leaders, we face new and profound challenges, and this body continues to be tested. The question is whether we possess the wisdom and the courage, as nation-states and members of an international community, to squarely meet those challenges; whether the United Nations can meet the tests of our time.
數(shù)十年來，聯(lián)合國的確發(fā)揮了作用—例如為消滅疾病，教育兒童和斡旋和平做出了貢獻。但是與過去每一代領(lǐng)導人一樣，我們面臨新的巨大挑戰(zhàn)。這個機構(gòu)繼續(xù)需要接受考驗。問題是，作為民族國家和國際社會成員，我們是否有智慧和勇氣堅定地迎接這些挑戰(zhàn)；聯(lián)合國是否能經(jīng)受我們時代的檢驗。
For much of my tenure as President, some of our most urgent challenges have revolved around an increasingly integrated global economy, and our efforts to recover from the worst economic crisis of our lifetime. Now, five years after the global economy collapsed, and thanks to coordinated efforts by the countries here today, jobs are being created, global financial systems have stabilized, and people are once again being lifted out of poverty. But this progress is fragile and unequal, and we still have work to do together to assure that our citizens can access the opportunities that they need to thrive in the 21st century.
在我擔任總統(tǒng)的大部分時期，我們面臨的一些最緊迫的挑戰(zhàn)關(guān)系到日益一體化的全球經(jīng)濟，涉及我們努力從我們有生以來最嚴重的經(jīng)濟危機中復(fù)蘇的工作。現(xiàn)在，全球經(jīng)濟受到重創(chuàng)5年后，由于今天與會各國相互協(xié)調(diào)，工作崗位正在增加，全球金融體系已經(jīng)實現(xiàn)穩(wěn)定，人們再一次逐步擺脫貧困。然而，已取得的進步仍然脆弱和不平衡。我們?nèi)匀槐仨毠餐ΓＷC我們的公民們能夠獲得他們需要的機會在21世紀實現(xiàn)興旺發(fā)達。
Together, we’ve also worked to end a decade of war. Five years ago, nearly 180,000 Americans were serving in harm’s way, and the war in Iraq was the dominant issue in our relationship with the rest of the world. Today, all of our troops have left Iraq. Next year, an international coalition will end its war in Afghanistan, having achieved its mission of dismantling the core of al Qaeda that attacked us on 9/11.
我們還共同努力結(jié)束了經(jīng)歷10年之久的戰(zhàn)爭。5年前，近180,000美國人不避危難奔赴疆場，伊拉克的戰(zhàn)爭在我們與世界其他國家的關(guān)系中成為壓倒一切的問題。今天，我國所有的軍隊已經(jīng)撤離伊拉克。明年，在摧毀了對我們發(fā)動9/11襲擊的“基地”組織核心力量后，國際聯(lián)盟將結(jié)束在阿富汗的戰(zhàn)爭。
For the United States, these new circumstances have also meant shifting away from a perpetual war footing. Beyond bringing our troops home, we have limited the use of drones so they target only those who pose a continuing, imminent threat to the United States where capture is not feasible, and there is a near certainty of no civilian casualties. We’re transferring detainees to other countries and trying terrorists in courts of law, while working diligently to close the prison at Guantanamo Bay. And just as we reviewed how we deploy our extraordinary military capabilities in a way that lives up to our ideals, we’ve begun to review the way that we gather intelligence, so that we properly balance the legitimate security concerns of our citizens and allies with the privacy concerns that all people share.
對美國而言，這些新的情況已經(jīng)意味著脫離常年征戰(zhàn)的狀態(tài)。除了撤回我國軍隊外，我們已限制無人機的使用，只在沒有可能實施抓捕及基本上完全確定不會傷害平民的情況下用于抗擊對美國構(gòu)成的持續(xù)迫在眉睫的威脅。我們正在向其他國家引渡在押人員，在法庭審判恐怖主義分子，同時積極努力關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩灣的監(jiān)獄。正如我們考慮如何部署我國非凡的軍事力量才能符合我們的理念一樣，我們已開始審議我們搜集情報的方式，從而可以使我們適當?shù)仄胶馕覈窈兔擞言诎踩矫娴暮侠黻P(guān)注及所有的人共同的隱私問題。
As a result of this work, and cooperation with allies and partners, the world is more stable than it was five years ago. But even a glance at today’s headlines indicates that dangers remain. In Kenya, we’ve seen terrorists target innocent civilians in a crowded shopping mall, and our hearts go out to the families of those who have been affected. In Pakistan, nearly 100 people were recently killed by suicide bombers outside a church. In Iraq, killings and car bombs continue to be a terrible part of life. And meanwhile, al Qaeda has splintered into regional networks and militias, which doesn't give them the capacity at this point to carry out attacks like 9/11, but does pose serious threats to governments and diplomats, businesses and civilians all across the globe.
由于進行了這方面的工作以及與盟國和伙伴方的合作，全世界比5年前更穩(wěn)定。但是只要瀏覽一些今天的新聞大標題就可以知道，危險依然存在。在肯尼亞，我們看到恐怖主義分子在擁擠的購物商場內(nèi)對無辜平民下手。我們向遇襲人員的家人表示慰問。在巴基斯坦，最近有將近100人在教堂外被自殺式爆炸殺害。在伊拉克，殺人害命和汽車炸彈仍然是生活中常見的可怕景象。與此同時，“基地”組織已潰散成地區(qū)性烏合之眾和散兵游勇，目前沒有能力發(fā)動類似9/11的襲擊，但是仍然對全球各地的政府及外交人員、工商業(yè)和平民構(gòu)成嚴重威脅。
Just as significantly, the convulsions in the Middle East and North Africa have laid bare deep divisions within societies, as an old order is upended and people grapple with what comes next. Peaceful movements have too often been answered by violence -- from those resisting change and from extremists trying to hijack change. Sectarian conflict has reemerged. And the potential spread of weapons of mass destruction continues to cast a shadow over the pursuit of peace.
同樣重要的是，在舊秩序被顛覆和人們需要把握隨后出現(xiàn)的局面之際，中東和北非的動蕩暴露了社會內(nèi)部的嚴重分裂。和平運動往往遇到有人以暴力作出的回應(yīng) --來自那些抵制變革的人，來自企圖劫持變革的極端主義分子。宗派沖突死灰復(fù)燃。大規(guī)模毀滅性武器可能擴散的陰影繼續(xù)籠罩在爭取和平事業(yè)的上空。
Nowhere have we seen these trends converge more powerfully than in Syria. There, peaceful protests against an authoritarian regime were met with repression and slaughter. In the face of such carnage, many retreated to their sectarian identity -- Alawite and Sunni; Christian and Kurd -- and the situation spiraled into civil war.
我們看到，這些趨勢在敘利亞的匯聚比其他任何地方都強烈。在那里，反對專制政權(quán)的和平示威遭遇以鎮(zhèn)壓和屠殺做出的回應(yīng)。面對如此血腥的大屠殺，很多人退守到宗教派系的旗幟下-- 阿拉維派和遜尼派、基督教和庫爾德-- 局勢急劇演變成國內(nèi)戰(zhàn)爭。
The international community recognized the stakes early on, but our response has not matched the scale of the challenge. Aid cannot keep pace with the suffering of the wounded and displaced. A peace process is stillborn. America and others have worked to bolster the moderate opposition, but extremist groups have still taken root to exploit the crisis. Assad’s traditional allies have propped him up, citing principles of sovereignty to shield his regime. And on August 21st, the regime used chemical weapons in an attack that killed more than 1,000 people, including hundreds of children.
國際社會很早就認識到其中的利害關(guān)系，但是我們做出的反應(yīng)未能達到應(yīng)對挑戰(zhàn)需要達到的規(guī)模。提供的援助未能達到為傷殘者和流離失所者解除痛苦的程度。和平進程胎死腹中。美國和其他各方努力支持溫和的反對派，但極端主義團伙仍然橫行一方，利用危機趁火打劫。阿薩德得到傳統(tǒng)盟國撐腰，以主權(quán)原則為借口希望保住自己政權(quán)。8月21日，該政權(quán)使用化學武器發(fā)動襲擊，殺害了1,000多人，其中包括數(shù)百名兒童。
Now, the crisis in Syria, and the destabilization of the region, goes to the heart of broader challenges that the international community must now confront. How should we respond to conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa -- conflicts between countries, but also conflicts within them· How do we address the choice of standing callously by while children are subjected to nerve gas, or embroiling ourselves in someone else’s civil war· What is the role of force in resolving disputes that threaten the stability of the region and undermine all basic standards of civilized conduct· What is the role of the United Nations and international law in meeting cries for justice·
目前，敘利亞的危機，以及該地區(qū)的不穩(wěn)定在國際社會必須廣泛應(yīng)對的一系列挑戰(zhàn)中居核心地位。我們應(yīng)該如何對中東和北非的沖突作出反應(yīng)-- 國家間的沖突，也包括各國內(nèi)部的沖突？在兒童受到神經(jīng)毒氣的襲擊的時候，我們應(yīng)該何去何從，是麻木不仁，袖手旁觀，還是卷入其他人的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)？為了解決威脅該地區(qū)穩(wěn)定和破壞所有文明行為基本標準的各種紛爭，武力扮演什么樣的角色？為了響應(yīng)正義的呼喚，聯(lián)合國和國際法應(yīng)發(fā)揮什么作用？
Today, I want to outline where the United States of America stands on these issues. With respect to Syria, we believe that as a starting point, the international community must enforce the ban on chemical weapons. When I stated my willingness to order a limited strike against the Assad regime in response to the brazen use of chemical weapons, I did not do so lightly. I did so because I believe it is in the security interest of the United States and in the interest of the world to meaningfully enforce a prohibition whose origins are older than the United Nations itself. The ban against the use of chemical weapons, even in war, has been agreed to by 98 percent of humanity. It is strengthened by the searing memories of soldiers suffocating in the trenches; Jews slaughtered in gas chambers; Iranians poisoned in the many tens of thousands.
今天，我想概述一下美利堅合眾國在這些問題上的立場。關(guān)于敘利亞，我們認為，作為起點，國際社會必須實施化學武器禁令。當我表示，我愿下令對阿薩德政權(quán)實行有限打擊，以此對肆無忌憚使用化學武器作出回應(yīng)時，并非戲言。我這樣做是因為我認為，對一項比聯(lián)合國本身歷史更長的禁令給予有意義的實施符合美國的安全利益，符合世界的利益。禁止使用化學武器——甚至包括在戰(zhàn)爭中——為人類98%所認同。對士兵在戰(zhàn)壕中被窒息、猶太人在毒氣室被屠殺、數(shù)以萬計伊朗人被毒害的刻骨銘心的記憶，使這一禁令更加有力。
The evidence is overwhelming that the Assad regime used such weapons on August 21st. U.N. inspectors gave a clear accounting that advanced rockets fired large quantities of sarin gas at civilians. These rockets were fired from a regime-controlled neighborhood, and landed in opposition neighborhoods. It’s an insult to human reason -- and to the legitimacy of this institution -- to suggest that anyone other than the regime carried out this attack.
有極其大量的證據(jù)顯示阿薩德政權(quán)在8月21日使用了這類武器。聯(lián)合國檢查人員清楚地描述，高級火箭向平民發(fā)射了大量沙林毒氣。這些火箭是從政府控制的地區(qū)發(fā)射，落在反對派所在地區(qū)。如果說不是該政權(quán)發(fā)動了這場攻擊，那便是對人的理性——對這個機構(gòu)的正規(guī)性——的侮辱。
Now, I know that in the immediate aftermath of the attack there were those who questioned the legitimacy of even a limited strike in the absence of a clear mandate from the Security Council. But without a credible military threat, the Security Council had demonstrated no inclination to act at all. However, as I’ve discussed with President Putin for over a year, most recently in St. Petersburg, my preference has always been a diplomatic resolution to this issue. And in the past several weeks, the United States, Russia and our allies have reached an agreement to place Syria’s chemical weapons under international control, and then to destroy them.
我知道，在攻擊剛剛發(fā)生后，有些人質(zhì)疑在沒有安理會明確授權(quán)的情況實施即便是有限度的打擊的合法性。但是，在沒有確信的軍事威脅時，安理會完全不曾表現(xiàn)出任何行動的意愿。然而，正如我同普京總統(tǒng)一年多以來——最近一次是在圣彼得堡——討論過的，我始終愿意以外交方式解決這個問題。過去幾周以來，美國、俄羅斯和我們的盟國達成一致，將敘利亞的化學武器置于國際控制之下，而后將其銷毀。
The Syrian government took a first step by giving an accounting of its stockpiles. Now there must be a strong Security Council resolution to verify that the Assad regime is keeping its commitments, and there must be consequences if they fail to do so. If we cannot agree even on this, then it will show that the United Nations is incapable of enforcing the most basic of international laws. On the other hand, if we succeed, it will send a powerful message that the use of chemical weapons has no place in the 21st century, and that this body means what it says.
敘利亞政府邁出了第一步，提交了其庫存清單。現(xiàn)在必須有一項強有力的安理會決議，以核實阿薩德政權(quán)是在遵守其承諾，而且如果他們未能這樣做將面臨后果。如果我們在這一點上都無法達成一致，那就說明聯(lián)合國無力實施最基本的國際法。而如果我們達成一致，則將發(fā)出一個有力信息，即21世紀不容使用化學武器，而且本機構(gòu)言行必果。
Agreement on chemical weapons should energize a larger diplomatic effort to reach a political settlement within Syria. I do not believe that military action -- by those within Syria, or by external powers -- can achieve a lasting peace. Nor do I believe that America or any nation should determine who will lead Syria; that is for the Syrian people to decide. Nevertheless, a leader who slaughtered his citizens and gassed children to death cannot regain the legitimacy to lead a badly fractured country. The notion that Syria can somehow return to a pre-war status quo is a fantasy.
就化學武器達成一致應(yīng)該給在敘利亞內(nèi)部達成政治解決的更大外交努力注入活力。我不認為靠軍事行動——無論是敘利亞境內(nèi)還是外部力量——能夠?qū)崿F(xiàn)持久和平。我也不認為應(yīng)由美國或任何國家決定將由什么人領(lǐng)導敘利亞；這要由敘利亞人民自行決定。然而，一個屠殺自己公民和用毒氣殺害兒童的領(lǐng)導人不能重新合法領(lǐng)導一個四分五裂的國家。認為敘利亞好像可以回歸戰(zhàn)前常態(tài)的想法是幻想。
It’s time for Russia and Iran to realize that insisting on Assad’s rule will lead directly to the outcome that they fear: an increasingly violent space for extremists to operate. In turn, those of us who continue to support the moderate opposition must persuade them that the Syrian people cannot afford a collapse of state institutions, and that a political settlement cannot be reached without addressing the legitimate fears and concerns of Alawites and other minorities.
俄羅斯和伊朗現(xiàn)在應(yīng)該認識到，堅持讓阿薩德掌權(quán)將直接帶來他們所擔心的結(jié)果：一個讓極端主義分子得以活動的日益暴力的空間。相應(yīng)地，我們這些繼續(xù)支持溫和反對派的人必須說服他們，敘利亞人民無法承受國家機制的崩潰，如果不顧及阿拉維派和其他少數(shù)派的合理擔憂和不安，就不會達成政治解決。
We are committed to working this political track. And as we pursue a settlement, let’s remember this is not a zero-sum endeavor. We’re no longer in a Cold War. There’s no Great Game to be won, nor does America have any interest in Syria beyond the wellbeing of its people, the stability of its neighbors, the elimination of chemical weapons, and ensuring that it does not become a safe haven for terrorists.
我們致力于在這條政治軌道上努力。在我們追求解決方案的同時，讓我們切記，這不是一場零和博弈。我們已不再處于冷戰(zhàn)狀態(tài)。沒有等待爭奪的大博弈勝利；美國對敘利亞——除了對其人民的福祉、其鄰國的穩(wěn)定、以及消除化學武器從而確保那里將不會成為恐怖主義分子安身之地以外——毫無所圖。
I welcome the influence of all nations that can help bring about a peaceful resolution of Syria’s civil war. And as we move the Geneva process forward, I urge all nations here to step up to meet humanitarian needs in Syria and surrounding countries. America has committed over a billion dollars to this effort, and today I can announce that we will be providing an additional $340 million. No aid can take the place of a political resolution that gives the Syrian people the chance to rebuild their country, but it can help desperate people to survive.
我歡迎所有國家施加影響，幫助使敘利亞內(nèi)戰(zhàn)得到和平解決。隨著我們將日內(nèi)瓦進程向前推進，我敦促所有在座國家出來滿足敘利亞及其周邊國家的人道需要。美國已經(jīng)為這一努力投入超過10億美元，今天我可以宣布，我們將再提供3.4億美元。沒有任何援助能夠取代讓敘利亞人民有機會重建國家的政治解決，但是，援助可以讓絕境中的人獲得生機。
What broader conclusions can be drawn from America’s policy toward Syria· I know there are those who have been frustrated by our unwillingness to use our military might to depose Assad, and believe that a failure to do so indicates a weakening of American resolve in the region. Others have suggested that my willingness to direct even limited military strikes to deter the further use of chemical weapons shows we’ve learned nothing from Iraq, and that America continues to seek control over the Middle East for our own purposes. In this way, the situation in Syria mirrors a contradiction that has persisted in the region for decades: the United States is chastised for meddling in the region, accused of having a hand in all manner of conspiracy; at the same time, the United States is blamed for failing to do enough to solve the region’s problems and for showing indifference toward suffering Muslim populations.
從美國對敘利亞的政策中可以得出什么樣的更宏觀的結(jié)論？我知道有些人對我們不情愿動用我們的軍事威力推翻阿薩德感到沮喪，他們認為，未能這樣做說明美國在這一地區(qū)的決心減弱。還有些人則認為，我有意下令進行哪怕是有限的軍事打擊以制止進一步使用化學武器說明我們完全沒有汲取伊拉克的教訓，美國是在繼續(xù)出于自身利益謀求控制中東地區(qū)。就這點而言，敘利亞的局面映襯出這個地區(qū)幾十年一直存在的自相矛盾：美國被斥責干涉這一地區(qū)，被指責插手各種陰謀；與此同時，美國被說成未能為解決這一地區(qū)的問題作出足夠努力并對受苦受難的穆斯林人口漠不關(guān)心。
I realize some of this is inevitable, given America’s role in the world. But these contradictory attitudes have a practical impact on the American people’s support for our involvement in the region, and allow leaders in the region -- as well as the international community sometimes -- to avoid addressing difficult problems themselves.
我認識到，由于美國的世界地位，這里有些說法不可避免。但這些相互矛盾的態(tài)度給美國人民支持我們參與這一地區(qū)帶來切實的影響，同時使這個地區(qū)——有時也包括國際社會——的領(lǐng)導人回避親自解決棘手的問題。
So let me take this opportunity to outline what has been U.S. policy towards the Middle East and North Africa, and what will be my policy during the remainder of my presidency.
因此，讓我值此機會概括說明美國對中東和北非地區(qū)所采取的政策，以及我將在本屆總統(tǒng)任期未來時間內(nèi)采取的政策。
The United States of America is prepared to use all elements of our power, including military force, to secure our core interests in the region.
美利堅合眾國隨時準備運用我們的各種實力，包括軍事力量，保障我們在這一地區(qū)的核心利益。
We will confront external aggression against our allies and partners, as we did in the Gulf War.
我們將抗擊針對我們的盟友和伙伴的外來進犯，就像我們在海灣戰(zhàn)爭中所做的那樣。
We will ensure the free flow of energy from the region to the world. Although America is steadily reducing our own dependence on imported oil, the world still depends on the region’s energy supply, and a severe disruption could destabilize the entire global economy.
我們將確保能源從該地區(qū)向全世界自由流動。盡管美國正在穩(wěn)步減輕我們對進口石油的依賴，但世界仍然要依靠該地區(qū)的能源供給，而一次嚴重的干擾將破壞整個全球經(jīng)濟的穩(wěn)定。
We will dismantle terrorist networks that threaten our people. Wherever possible, we will build the capacity of our partners, respect the sovereignty of nations, and work to address the root causes of terror. But when it’s necessary to defend the United States against terrorist attack, we will take direct action.
我們將搗毀威脅我們的人民的恐怖主義網(wǎng)絡(luò)。在任何可能的地方，我們都將建設(shè)我們的合作伙伴的能力，尊重各國的主權(quán)，并努力消除恐怖的根源。但在有必要保衛(wèi)美國防范恐怖主義襲擊時，我們將采取直接的行動。
And finally, we will not tolerate the development or use of weapons of mass destruction. Just as we consider the use of chemical weapons in Syria to be a threat to our own national security, we reject the development of nuclear weapons that could trigger a nuclear arms race in the region, and undermine the global nonproliferation regime.
最后，我們絕不容忍發(fā)展或使用大規(guī)模毀滅性武器的行徑。正如我們將在敘利亞使用化學武器視為對我們自身的國家安全的一種威脅，我們拒不接受發(fā)展核武器的行徑，這種行徑可能在該地區(qū)引發(fā)核軍備競賽，并破壞全球的防擴散制度。
Now, to say that these are America’s core interests is not to say that they are our only interests. We deeply believe it is in our interests to see a Middle East and North Africa that is peaceful and prosperous, and will continue to promote democracy and human rights and open markets, because we believe these practices achieve peace and prosperity. But I also believe that we can rarely achieve these objectives through unilateral American action, particularly through military action. Iraq shows us that democracy cannot simply be imposed by force. Rather, these objectives are best achieved when we partner with the international community and with the countries and peoples of the region.
不過，闡明這些都是美國的核心利益，并不是說它們是我們的唯一利益。我們深信，有一個和平、繁榮的中東和北非地區(qū)符合我們的利益，我們將繼續(xù)提倡民主、人權(quán)和開放市場，因為我們相信這些舉措能實現(xiàn)和平與繁榮。但我也相信，我們通過美國的單邊行動，特別是軍事行動，來實現(xiàn)上述目標的可能性甚小。伊拉克向我們表明，民主不能單憑武力強行實現(xiàn)。當我們與國際社會以及該地區(qū)的國家和人民合作時，上述目標才最有可能實現(xiàn)。
So what does this mean going forward· In the near term, America’s diplomatic efforts will focus on two particular issues: Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons, and the Arab-Israeli conflict. While these issues are not the cause of all the region’s problems, they have been a major source of instability for far too long, and resolving them can help serve as a foundation for a broader peace.
那么，這在向前推進的過程中意味著什么？在近期，美國的外交努力將集中在兩個具體問題上：伊朗謀取核武器的問題以及阿拉伯和以色列之間的沖突。盡管這些問題不是造成該地區(qū)所有問題的原因，但它們作為不穩(wěn)定的一個主要根源存在的時間太長了，解決它們有助于為實現(xiàn)更廣泛的和平奠定基礎(chǔ)。
The United States and Iran have been isolated from one another since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. This mistrust has deep roots. Iranians have long complained of a history of U.S. interference in their affairs and of America’s role in overthrowing an Iranian government during the Cold War. On the other hand, Americans see an Iranian government that has declared the United States an enemy and directly -- or through proxies -- taken American hostages, killed U.S. troops and civilians, and threatened our ally Israel with destruction.
自1979年伊斯蘭革命以來，美國和伊朗一直相互隔絕。這種不信任根深蒂固。長期以來，伊朗一直抱怨美國屢屢干預(yù)他們的事務(wù)并在冷戰(zhàn)期間推翻伊朗政府的過程中發(fā)揮作用。而另一方面，美國人民看到伊朗政府宣布與美國為敵，并直接地——或者通過其代理——劫持美國人質(zhì)，殺害美國軍人和平民，還威脅要毀滅我們的盟國以色列。
I don’t believe this difficult history can be overcome overnight -- the suspicions run too deep. But I do believe that if we can resolve the issue of Iran’s nuclear program, that can serve as a major step down a long road towards a different relationship, one based on mutual interests and mutual respect.
我不認為能在一夜之間克服這段困難重重的歷史——猜疑太深了。但我確信，如果我們能解決伊朗的核項目問題，便將能邁出重大的一步，走上發(fā)展另一種以共同利益和相互尊重為基礎(chǔ)的關(guān)系的漫長道路。
Since I took office, I’ve made it clear in letters to the Supreme Leader in Iran and more recently to President Rouhani that America prefers to resolve our concerns over Iran’s nuclear program peacefully, although we are determined to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. We are not seeking regime change and we respect the right of the Iranian people to access peaceful nuclear energy. Instead, we insist that the Iranian government meet its responsibilities under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and U.N. Security Council resolutions.
我就任總統(tǒng)之后，曾寫信向伊朗最高領(lǐng)袖表明，并于近期向魯哈尼總統(tǒng)表明，盡管我們決意制止伊朗發(fā)展核武器，但美國更希望以和平方式解決我們對伊朗核項目的關(guān)切。我們不尋求政權(quán)更替，而且我們尊重伊朗人民和平利用核能的權(quán)利。但我們堅決要求伊朗政府履行《不擴散核武器條約》所規(guī)定的責任以及聯(lián)合國安理會的各項決議。
Meanwhile, the Supreme Leader has issued a fatwa against the development of nuclear weapons, and President Rouhani has just recently reiterated that the Islamic Republic will never develop a nuclear weapon.
與此同時，伊朗最高領(lǐng)袖已發(fā)布反對發(fā)展核武器的宗教公告，而且魯哈尼總統(tǒng)剛剛重申了伊朗伊斯蘭共和國永遠不會發(fā)展核武器。
