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That attracted 200 protesters at his district office in Salem, condemnation from the state's leading official and one comparison to a Nazi collaborator, made by a local party official.
這一舉動在塞勒姆選區辦公室吸引了200名抗議者，州高級官員對此表示譴責，當地一名黨內官員將他比作納粹合作者。
"The backlash proves my point," says Mr Moulton. "We go around the country saying if you don't agree with my absolutist view, you fail the litmus test: You're not only wrong—you're a bad person."
“強烈反對證明了我的觀點，”莫爾頓先生說。“我們在全國宣傳，如果你不同意我的絕對主義觀點，你就沒有通過試金石測試：你不僅是錯的，而且還是壞人?！?/p>
With that attitude, many voters do not even bother to consider policy.
有了這種態度，許多選民甚至懶得考慮政策。
"I felt this was a cultural election. I think that people don't trust us on the economy and on immigration, not because they're analysing our policy, but they just feel that Democrats are preachy, arrogant and out of touch," says Mr Moulton.
“我覺得這是一場文化選舉。我認為人們不信任我們在經濟和移民問題上的表現，不是因為他們在分析我們的政策，而是因為他們覺得民主黨人說教、傲慢、脫離現實，”莫爾頓先生說。
Marie Gluesenkamp Perez, a congresswoman from Washington who won re-election in a rural district by overperforming Ms Harris by around five points, agrees.
華盛頓的國會女議員瑪麗·格魯森坎普·佩雷斯(Marie Gluesenkamp Perez)同意這一觀點，她在農村選區以比哈里斯高出約5個百分點的優勢贏得連任。
"You can't have a conversation about policy if you signal to somebody that you're not listening to them, or you think you're better than them. Everything else is off the table after that," she says.
“如果你向某人發出信號，表示你沒有聽取他們的意見，或者你認為自己比他們強，那么你就無法談論政策。之后，其他一切都不再考慮了，”她說。
Mr Trump's performance among Hispanic voters ought to stir Democrats awake, Ms Perez adds.
佩雷斯補充道，特朗普在西班牙裔選民中的表現應該會喚醒民主黨人。
"Asking people to have some kind of generic loyalty to a brand because of ethnic or racial identity is much less compelling to people."
“要求人們因為種族或民族身份而對某個品牌產生某種普遍的忠誠度，對人們來說沒有那么大的吸引力?！?/p>
Others in the party think that the answer lies in plainer economic messaging.
黨內其他人認為答案在于更簡單的經濟信息。
Chris Deluzio, a Democratic congressman from the suburbs of Pittsburgh, won his own tight race even as Ms Harris floundered in the state.
來自匹茲堡郊區的民主黨眾議員克里斯·德魯齊奧(Chris Deluzio)贏得了自己的激烈競選，而哈里斯在該州陷入困境。
"I hope my party pays attention to races like mine, where you've got candidates clear about who they're fighting for and who they're fighting against,"
“我希望我的政黨關注像我這樣的競選，你的候選人清楚他們在為誰而戰，他們在與誰作斗爭，”
he says, citing his stances on protecting workers from powerful corporations and opposing trade deals that hollowed out the rustbelt.
他說，并引用了他保護工人免受強大公司侵害的立場，并反對掏空銹帶的貿易協定。
"There's often a tendency in my party for people to look for win-win framing, but also sometimes there's a bad guy."
“在我的黨內，人們經常傾向于尋找雙贏的框架，但有時也會有壞人?！?/p>
This is similar to the economic strategy that Mr Biden tried at the national level, through industrial policy, infrastructure spending, and pro-union rhetoric; he may simply have lacked the oratorical capacity to explain it.
這類似于拜登在國家層面嘗試的經濟戰略，通過產業政策、基礎設施支出和親工會言論；他可能只是缺乏解釋這一戰略的演講能力。
And then there are some Democrats who spy a middle road. "The Republicans engage in identity politics that is intertwined with Christian nationalism.
還有一些民主黨人則在尋找中間道路?！肮埠忘h人的身份政治與基督教民族主義交織在一起。
The Democrats engaged in identity politics that is intertwined in evaluating individuals based on group identity, rather than as individuals.
民主黨人的身份政治與基于群體身份而不是個人身份來評價個人交織在一起。
I think the path for Democrats is to reject both," says Jake Auchincloss, another Democratic congressman from Massachusetts.
我認為民主黨人的道路是拒絕兩者，”另一位來自馬薩諸塞州的民主黨眾議員杰克·奧金克洛斯說。
"I'm worried that the version that Democrats are going to align on is Diet Coke when MAGA is Coca-Cola: dial down the wokeism and then amplify the economic populism."
“我擔心民主黨人將要支持的版本是健怡可樂，而共和黨支持可口可樂：降低覺醒主義，然后放大經濟民粹主義?！?/p>
There is a version of a Democratic Party that embraces supply-side progressivism rather than the preachy variant;
民主黨有自己的版本，它擁護供給側進步主義，而不是說教式的進步主義；
and one that rejects protectionism and instead embraces free trade as a tool for containing China.
還有一種版本，它拒絕保護主義，而是將自由貿易作為遏制中國的工具。
It is closer to the iterations of the party that thrived under Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, even if it is unfashionable now.
它更接近比爾·克林頓和巴拉克·奧巴馬執政時期蓬勃發展的民主黨，即使現在它已經不流行了。
In Rashomon style, political actors will all tell different stories about why parties lose.
在羅生門風格中，政治參與者都會講述政黨失敗的不同故事。
But the one that dominates is powerful. It structures how the party remakes itself in its wilderness years.
但占主導地位的故事是強大的。它構建了該黨如何在荒野歲月中重塑自我。
Fresh elections for the leadership in the coming months will be important because the victors will write the definitive post mortem of the 2024 election.
未來幾個月的領導層新選舉將很重要，因為勝利者將為2024年大選寫下最終的驗尸報告。
After their loss to Mr Trump in 2016, Democrats chose not to conduct a formal autopsy, and drifted into a movement of mass resistance.
在2016年輸給特朗普后，民主黨選擇不進行正式驗尸，而是陷入了大規模抵抗運動。
With hindsight, this backfired. No comparable resistance movement appears to be mounting towards Trump II.
事后看來，這適得其反。似乎沒有類似的抵抗運動在特朗普二次執政時興起。
But ruling out one strategy that didn't work before is not the same as alighting on a new one.
但排除一個以前行不通的策略并不等同于找到一個新策略。
