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The DP swept general elections to retake control of parliament earlier this year.
今年早些時候，民主黨在大選中大獲全勝，重新控制了議會。
Mr Yoon refused to attend its opening session on September 2nd, the first time a president has done so since democratisation.
尹錫悅拒絕出席9月2日舉行的議會開幕會議，這是自民主化以來總統首次拒絕出席。
Last week parliament voted to trim Mr Yoon's budget for next year. Mr Yoon may have thought he could outmanoeuvre his opponents.
上周，議會投票決定削減尹錫悅明年的預算。尹錫悅可能認為自己比對手技高一籌。
Yet his move went far beyond the bounds of normal politics, evoking instead the tactics of Park Chung-hee, a military dictator who ruled the country in the 1960s and 1970s.
然而，他的舉動遠遠超出了正常政治的界限，反而讓人想起了20世紀60年代和70年代統治韓國的軍事獨裁者樸正熙的策略。
"He's used the nuclear bomb," says Victor Cha of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, an American think-tank.
“他使用了核彈，”美國智庫戰略與國際研究中心的車維德說道。
By setting it off, Mr Yoon has almost certainly sealed his own downfall.
尹錫悅引爆了一顆政治核彈，幾乎已經沒可能連選連任了。
"The only thing that is certain is that President Yoon will not be able to finish out his term," says Ha Sang-eung of Sogang University in Seoul.
“唯一可以肯定的是，尹錫悅總統將無法完成他的任期，”首爾西江大學的Ha Sang-eung說道。
If Mr Yoon does not resign himself, impeachment requires a two-thirds majority vote in parliament and then a trial by the constitutional court.
如果尹錫悅不辭職，彈劾需要國會三分之二多數票，然后由憲法法院審判。
(Mr Yoon's party controls 108 seats, so just eight would need to defect.)
（尹錫悅的政黨控制著108個席位，因此只需8個席位倒戈即可。）
The process could drag out for months, leaving an interim president in charge and the political system in limbo.
這一過程可能會拖延數月，導致臨時總統掌權，政治體系陷入困境。
The turbulence will spook investors, who already place an elevated risk premium on South Korean assets.
政治動蕩將嚇壞投資者，他們已經對韓國資產設定了較高的風險溢價。
The Korean Confederation of Trade Unions and transit workers have promised to strike until Mr Yoon steps down.
韓國工會聯合會和運輸工人承諾將罷工，直到尹錫悅下臺。
Whenever new elections are held, the dp candidate will probably win.
無論何時舉行新的選舉，民主黨候選人都可能會獲勝。
The foreign-policy implications of this would be vast—and come at a sensitive time,
這將對外交政策產生巨大影響——而且發生在一個敏感時期，
as Donald Trump prepares to take office in America and North Korea takes an ever more hostile stance towards the South.
唐納德·特朗普正準備在美國就職，而朝鮮對韓國采取了更加敵對的立場。
During his tenure, Mr Yoon has deepened his country's alliance with America, steadied a troubled relationship with Japan,
在其任期內，尹錫悅深化了韓國與美國的聯盟，穩定了與日本的緊張關系，
and provided indirect support for Ukraine by backfilling American stocks of ammunition.
并通過補充美國的彈藥儲備間接支持了烏克蘭。
He has also taken a hawkish approach towards North Korea, which has entered into a new security pact with Russia and sent troops there.
他還對朝鮮采取了強硬態度，朝鮮已與俄羅斯簽署了新的安全協議并向韓國派遣了軍隊。
By contrast the dp tends to be sceptical of Japan, due to grievances over its colonial-era atrocities, and to favour engagement with North Korea; it has opposed calls to provide direct military aid to Ukraine.
相比之下，民主黨對日本持懷疑態度，因為他們對日本殖民時代的暴行心存不滿，并傾向于與朝鮮接觸；它反對向烏克蘭提供直接軍事援助的呼吁。
The sordid episode also speaks volumes about the state of South Korean democracy.
這起卑鄙的事件也充分說明了韓國民主的現狀。
On the one hand, if Mr Yoon does indeed back down and is replaced through a constitutional process, the system will have survived an enormous test.
一方面，如果尹錫悅真的讓步并通過憲法程序被取代，那么該制度將經受住巨大的考驗。
The short-lived nature of the martial-law declaration demonstrates the strength of present-day Korean democracy, says Shin Gi-wook of Stanford University.
斯坦福大學的Shin Gi-wook表示，戒嚴宣言的短暫性表明了當今韓國民主的力量。
By contrast, the last time martial law was declared, in 1979, it started eight more years of autocratic rule, including a massacre of protesters in Gwangju in 1980.
相比之下，上一次宣布戒嚴是在1979年，那次戒嚴開啟了韓國長達八年的獨裁統治，包括1980年在光州發生的抗議者大屠殺。
But the fact that Mr Yoon turned to such an extreme measure points to a deeper malaise. Political polarisation has become entrenched.
但尹錫悅采取如此極端措施的事實表明，韓國存在更深層次的弊端。政治兩極分化已經根深蒂固。
Misbehaviour by political leaders, followed by aggressive criminal proceedings against them, is all too common.
政治領導人行為不當，隨后遭到嚴厲的刑事訴訟，這種現象太常見了。
The threshold for prosecutions is now so low that political accountability has become a cycle of "political bloodletting", laments Christopher Green of the International Crisis Group, a think-tank.
智庫國際危機組織的柯儒思（Christopher Green）哀嘆，現在起訴的門檻如此之低，以至于政治問責已經成為“政治流血”的循環。
Earlier this year Mr Lee, the DP leader, was himself convicted on charges of lying to investigators about a bribery case,
今年早些時候，民主黨領袖李在明因向調查人員就一起受賄案撒謊而被定罪，
calling into question his ability to run for president again. (He denies the charges and plans to appeal.)
這讓人懷疑他是否還能再次競選總統。（他否認了這些指控，并計劃上訴。）
Park Geun-hye was impeached as president in 2016 and sentenced on corruption charges; her predecessor, Lee Myung-bak, was also convicted of bribery after leaving office.
樸槿惠于2016年被彈劾，并因腐敗指控被判刑；前任總統李明博在卸任后也被判受賄罪。
The latest fiasco could become an opportunity for the country to reflect and regroup—or it could fuel further division and enmity.
最近的慘敗可能成為韓國反思和重組的機會——或者可能加劇進一步的分裂和敵意。
