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The result was a reminder that for all the apparent political energy on the left,
這一結果提醒我們，盡管左派表現出了明顯的政治活力，
hardcore liberals don’t necessarily have the numbers to win Democratic primaries.
硬核的自由派也不一定就能爭取到足夠的票數，在民主黨的初選中獲勝。
(See also: Bernie Sanders, who did not win the 2016 presidential nomination against Hillary Clinton.)
(參考2016年在總統候選人提名環節沒能擊敗希拉里·克林頓的伯尼·桑德斯。)
In November, Cordray will face Republican state attorney general Mike DeWine, who also easily fended off a primary challenger.
今年11月，科德雷就要和同樣輕松擊退了核心對手的州檢察長，共和黨陣營的邁克·德萬正面交鋒了。
It will be a rematch of sorts: DeWine defeated Cordray for his current position in 2010.
這次交鋒多少有些復賽的意味：德萬曾在2010年的選舉中擊敗了科德雷。
There was no obviously radioactive candidate in the Indiana Senate primary,
印第安納州參議院初選暫時還沒有出現爭議較大的候選人，
where Republicans chose Mike Braun, the CEO of an auto-parts distributor, over two sitting members of Congress.
該州共和黨撇開兩名現任國會議員，轉而選了某汽車零部件分銷商的CEO邁克·布勞恩。
Braun spent millions on ads depicting himself as a political outsider, though he previously served in the state legislature.
布勞恩投了數百萬美元做廣告，把自己宣傳成一個政治局外人，盡管他之前明明曾在州議會任職。
His opponents scurried to position themselves as the most loyal to Trump:
他的對手們趕緊把自己標榜成最忠誠于特朗普的人：
one candidate, Todd Rokita, campaigned with a cardboard cutout of the President,
候選人托德·羅基塔競選時帶了用紙板做的特朗普像，
while another, Luke Messer, wanted to nominate Trump for a Nobel Peace Prize.
另一位候選人盧克·梅塞爾還想提名特朗普為諾貝爾和平獎候選人。
In this and other Republican primaries,
在該州以及其他州的共和黨初選中，
the candidates have clearly concluded that Trump boosterism is their base voters’ overriding priority,
這些候選人顯然都得出了這樣的結論：熱心擁護特朗普是他們的基層選民的首要任務中的首要任務，
more than any particular credential or policy stance.
是比任何特定憑據或政策立場都重要的東西。
But members of the Republican Congress, which many Trump backers blame for stalling the President’s agenda,
然而，現在，即使是共和黨自己都很難說服這屆被共和黨把持的國會的那些議員，
are a tough sell even to their own party these days.
因為許多特朗普的支持者都把拖延總統議程一事怪罪到了國會身上。
In Braun, Washington Republicans hope they will have a nominee
華盛頓的共和黨人希望，布勞恩將會是一位
who can contrast favorably with the Democratic incumbent, Joe Donnelly,
能同華盛頓的混亂作斗爭，
by running against the mess in Washington.
繼而和民主黨現任議員喬·唐納利形成鮮明對比的候選人。
IT IS A TESTAMENT to the distinctiveness of the President’s personality
這也是對總統的獨特個性的一個證明——
that Trumpy or Trumpian has become shorthand for every exaggerated or outlandish political gesture,
“特朗普式”或“特朗普那種”兩個詞已經成為
from not-so-veiled racism (Blankenship) to affection for dictators (Kucinich has met repeatedly with the brutal Syrian ruler Bashar Assad)
從毫不掩飾的種族主義(布蘭肯希普)到喜愛獨裁者(庫欽奇曾多次會見殘暴的敘利亞統治者巴沙爾·阿薩德)
to questionably gained riches (Braun’s company is accused of labor violations).
再到來路可疑的財富(布勞恩的公司被指控違反勞工法)等所有夸張或古怪的政治姿態的縮寫。
Voters of both parties remain annoyed with the corruption and disarray that they perceive in Washington,
兩黨的選民依然對華盛頓的腐敗和混亂頗為不滿，
and both parties are in the throes of identity crises.
而兩黨也都還陷在身份危機的陣痛之中。
But that doesn’t mean they’re just going to go for, as one Republican Congressman put it, “the craziest son of a bitch in the race.”
但這并不意味著他們就會像某共和黨國會議員所說的那樣，選擇支持“競選中表現最瘋狂的那個混蛋”。
The opening round of primaries showed that Democrats and Republicans alike might be looking for something more prosaic:
首輪初選顯示，這次，民主黨人和共和黨人可能都在尋找某種更為平淡的東西，
candidates who can follow the traditional rules of politics—and, hopefully, win.
即遵循傳統政治規則——還有望獲勝——的候選人。
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