Others were more oblique. “I don’t see anyone out there at the moment…the man who can beat Trump or the woman who can beat Trump,” white working-class balladeer Bruce Springsteen told The Sunday Times. “You need someone who can speak some of the same language [as Trump]…and the Democrats don’t have an obvious, effective presidential candidate.”
其他人則更為隱晦。“我現在沒看到任何人能打敗特朗普，不管是男性還是女性，” 白人工人階級民謠歌手布魯斯·斯普林斯汀在接受《星期日泰晤士報》采訪時表示。“你需要一個能有共同語言的人（比如特朗普……）民主黨也沒有一個明顯有效的候選人。”
When former Vice President Joe Biden’s supporters suggest that he is the only possible contender who can break through Trump’s white wall, they are thinking the same thing. And while Biden hasn’t announced it, his inner circle leaked in January that Biden believed he hadn’t seen “the candidate who can clearly do what has to be done to win.”
前副總統喬·拜登的支持者們表示，他是唯一有可能打破特朗普白墻的候選人，此事他們的想法一致。雖然拜登還沒有宣布這一消息，但他的核心圈子在今年1月透露，拜登認為他還沒有看到“這位顯然能做些什么才能獲勝的候選人”。
This assessment, of course, comes as news to the most diverse slate of candidates the party has ever seen. “It’s pretty insulting to white people,” Senator Kamala Harris of California told Vanity Fair. “People seem to have a need to fit others into these discrete, neat compartments of their brains. It undervalues the intelligence of the American people. It’s really a mistake to assume, based on a person’s race or gender, that they only care about certain issues to the exclusion of other issues.”
當然，對于該黨有史以來最多樣化的候選人名單來說，這一評估結果是一個新聞。“這是對白人的侮辱，”加州參議員卡瑪拉·哈里斯在接受《名利場》雜志采訪時表示。“人們似乎有一種需要，將他人融入他們大腦中這些分散的、整齊的區域。它低估了美國人民的智慧。基于一個人的種族或性別，認為他們只關心某些問題而不關心其他問題，這是錯誤的。”
Democrats point out that Obama won two terms in the White House with the help of whites in the industrial Midwest. Then again, 2012 Republican opponent Mitt Romney didn’t run a race-based campaign; both candidates largely argued over the economy. With Trump, race is always front and center, as he appeals to voters’ sense of white identity, grievance and resentment. He aims immigration at poorer whites as a class-based wedge issue too.
民主黨人指出，奧巴馬在中西部工業地區白人的幫助下贏得了兩屆白宮任期。然而，2012年共和黨對手米特·羅姆尼并沒有開展以種族為基礎的競選活動；兩位候選人在經濟問題上爭論不休。對于特朗普來說，種族永遠是最重要的，因為他迎合了選民對白人身份、不滿和怨恨的感覺。他還將移民問題的矛頭對準了較為貧窮的白人，認為這也是一個階級分化的問題。
“Wealthy politicians and donors push for open borders while living their lives behind walls, and gates, and guards,” Trump said in his State of the Union address. “Meanwhile, working-class Americans are left to pay the price for mass illegal immigration: reduced jobs, lower wages, overburdened schools, hospitals that are so crowded that you can’t get in, increased crime and a depleted social safety net.”
“富有的政治家和捐助者一邊推動開放邊界，一邊在高墻、大門和警衛的保護下生活，”特朗普在其國情咨文中如此表示。“與此同時，工薪階層的美國人不得不為大規模非法移民付出代價：就業機會減少、工資降低、學校負擔過重、醫院人滿為患、犯罪率上升、社會保障體系日益枯竭。”
That talk resonates with voters like Eric Ash, the Democrat turned Republican pastor of Mount Olive Evangelical Lutheran Church in Beaver Falls, Pennsylvania, which is part of a swing congressional district. Like many of the people in the fading steel towns west of Pittsburgh, he voted for Obama in 2008. Later, he changed his registration and cast a ballot for Trump in 2016—mainly, he says, because of his concerns about legal abortion. That support helped give the real estate mogul the kind of lopsided, double-digit margins that won Pennsylvania for him (Romney won Beaver County in 2012, but by only 6.5 points).
這番話引起了埃里克·阿什等選民的共鳴。阿什曾是民主黨人，后來成為賓夕法尼亞州比弗爾斯橄欖山福音路德教會的共和黨牧師，賓夕法尼亞是搖擺不定的國會選區。和匹茲堡西部衰落的鋼鐵城鎮的許多人一樣，他在2008年把票投給了奧巴馬。后來，他改變了自己的登記，并在2016年投票給了特朗普，他說，主要是因為他擔心合法墮胎。這種支持幫助這位房地產大亨獲得了兩位數的優勢，為他贏得了賓夕法尼亞州的支持（羅姆尼2012年在比弗縣獲勝，但僅以6.5個百分點的優勢獲勝）。
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