Beyond the growing number of union alternatives, demonstrations by employees are part of a rise in political activity overall.
除參與工會活動外衍生出的越來越多的其它途徑,員工發起的示威運動也是政治活動激增的表現。
The years since the 2016 election have witnessed the largest protests in U.S. history,
自2016年大選以來,美國歷史上發生了規模最大的抗議活動,
inspiring a lot of people—particularly college-educated twenty somethings—to demonstrate for the first time.
激勵了許多人,特別是受過大學教育的20多歲的年輕人首次參與到示威活動中。
And while a Black Lives Matter protest or a Women's March on Washington may seem unrelated to work, they can inspire people to speak out for other causes.
盡管黑人有所謂(Black Lives Matter)抗議和在華盛頓進行的女性游行(Women's March)似乎與工作無關,但它們都激勵人們敢于為自己發聲。
"I think there's a real desire for working people to not segment their lives so much," says Sharon Block,
哈佛法學院勞動與工作項目執行主任莎倫·布洛克表示,
executive director of the Labor and Worklife Program at Harvard Law School.
“我認為,勞動者不想把自己的生活分割得支離破碎。
Companies know that, too. That's why places such as Comcast, Facebook, and Google gave workers time off to join political protests in 2016.
公司也了解這種情況,所以康卡斯特、臉書和谷歌等公司才會讓員工在2016年去參加政治抗議。
The problem, Block says, is that political issues are often workplace issues, too.
布洛克說,“問題在于政治問題通常也都與工作有關。
"Immigration, racial justice, gender equality—people are seeing these things as interconnected,
人們認為移民、種族正義、性別平等等問題相互關聯,
and that's giving rise to movements that aren't so easy to characterize but are very powerful."
從而出現了一些較難界定、但影響極大的示威活動?!?/p>

Companies are working as hard as ever to prevent workers from coming together—in any way, traditional or via social media.
公司還在努力阻止員工以傳統方式或通過社交媒體結群。
The Supreme Court has so far been sympathetic. Buried in the language of one 2018 decision was a hint of further curtailments.
到目前為止,最高法院一直顯露支持的姿態。但2018年的一項決議卻預示著最高法院將進一步限制示威活動的舉行。
For years the National Labor Relations Act has been assumed to protect workers acting together, whether to form a union or otherwise, Block says.
布洛克說,“多年來,《國家勞工關系法》一直被認為是對勞動者的集體行動進行保護,不管勞動者是否組成了工會。
"The court signaled they might be interested in revisiting the legal protections for workers acting outside a union context,
法院表示,他們可能重新審視對員工在工會以外組織的活動給予法律保護的情況,
which would mean you could be fired for engaging in any kind of collective activity. That would be really serious."
這意味著員工可能因為參與非工會組織的集體行動而被解雇,那可真是太嚴重了。”
At the moment, a tight labor market and companies' fears of bad publicity provide some protection. But just some.
目前,緊縮的勞動力市場和公司對負面宣傳的擔憂為員工提供了些許保護,但保護力度很小。
If unemployment rises or executives begin to ignore public outcries, workers become far more vulnerable.
如果失業率上升或高管開始忽視公眾抗議,那么員工的利益會更容易受到損害。
Organizers are also thinking about the potential costs of their tech tools, especially when it comes to privacy and security.
活動組織者也在考慮技術工具的潛在成本,特別是有關隱私和安全方面的問題。
Coworker.org introduced a secure drop at the request of tech workers who use its platform. The future, Kutch says, is in using the internet for leadership development.
Coworker.org應使用其平臺的技術人員的要求,引入了安全刪除措施。卡奇說,“未來是利用互聯網發展領導力。
"In many ways, it looks more traditional: How do we create new institutions that can be a power center for workers?" she says.
在許多方面,這看起來更為傳統:我們如何創建可以成為員工權力中心的新機構?
"The internet is one way to do that, but it's not the only way."
互聯網是一種解決方式,但并不是唯一的選擇。”