DURING THE 75 MINUTES he spends with TIME at New York City's Plaza Hotel,
就是他在紐約廣場酒店和本刊記者一起度過的那75分鐘時間里,
Saudi bombs still fall on Yemen, Saudi bloggers remain in jail
也有沙特炸彈降落在也門的土地上,有沙特的博主被繼續扣留在也門的監獄里,
and 3 out of 4 Saudi citizens still collect a paycheck from a kingdom where poorer foreigners hold 84% of real jobs.
有四分之三的沙特公民仍在一個被更窮的外國人搶占了84%的實際工作崗位的國家里領薪水。
But the man in charge no longer seems of that world.
掌管那個世界的人卻似乎已經脫離了那個世界。
Folded into a corner of the couch in a brown smock,
他穿著一件棕色的罩衫窩在沙發的一角,
he looks like someone you knew in college, a big guy going on about something that seems really important to him.
看上去就像我們大學時認識的那種滔滔不絕地說著對他來說非常重要的事情的大高個子同學。
His thinning hair is matted.
王儲頂著一頭稀疏而凌亂的頭發。
He holds a Coke Zero.
手里拿著一聽零度可樂。
The heart of the pitch the crown prince has taken on the road is forward-looking,
在這次的行程中,他以通常被用來形容初創企業的那種自信,不時地穿插著事實的語言,
universal and delivered in the confident, fact-stippled surge of words that might describe a start-up.
向大家兜售了一個有著高遠而普惠的核心內涵的項目。
Bin Salman in large part is looking for money,
本·薩勒曼這次的行程很大程度上是為了尋找資金而來,
foreign funds being a crucial element of Vision 2030, his plan that promises to reconcile feudal society with the world around it.
因為外國的資金是“2030年愿景”的關鍵因素,這是一個他承諾了會讓沙特這一封建社會和外部世界取得和解的項目。
As hard as it once would have been to imagine,
正如曾經難以想象的那樣,

collapsing oil prices, and the economic and social demands of an exploding youth population, require economic reform.
油價暴跌,以及人數激增的年輕人對經濟和社會的需求都迫切地需要沙特進行一場經濟改革。
And for all his power and wealth, bin Salman needs outside help to do it.
盡管本·薩勒曼已經擁有巨大的權力和財富,但他還是需要外界的幫助。
That's partly because Saudis themselves are resistant to change.
一定程度上,這是因為沙特人自己對變革持抗拒態度。
An impoverished desert wasteland a century ago, Saudi Arabia rode oil wealth through decades of change.
一個世紀前,沙特阿拉伯還是一片貧瘠的沙漠荒原,幾十年的變革給這片土地帶來了滾滾而來的石油財富。
"It's too hard to convince them that there is something more to do," bin Salman says of the founding generation,
“所以你很難說服大家相信今天我們肩上的擔子依然很重,”本·薩勒曼在談到開國元勛那一代人時說,
"because what happened in their time, in 50 or 60 years, it's like what happened in the last 300 or 400 years in the United States of America."
“因為在他們的年代,美國過去花了300~400年才完成的事情我們只用了50~60年就完成了。”
But bin Salman was born into that modern world. Seven in 10 Saudis are even younger than him.
但本·薩爾曼是出生在現代社會的人。而且,10個沙特人中有7個都比他還年輕。
And when they look up from their phones, they are less impressed.
這些人成天都盯著手機,那段歷史并沒有給他們留下多深的印象。
"Our eyes are focusing on what we are missing," bin Salman says.
“我們兩眼盯著的,是我們正在失去的東西,”本·薩爾曼表示。
But it's also because what he is proposing is potentially destabilizing.
但他之所以很難說服大家,也是因為他的提議可能會破壞沙特當前的穩定。
Bin Salman talks of repudiating not just the nation's dependence on oil,
本·薩勒曼談到,沙特要摒棄的不僅是他們對石油的依賴,
but also the kingdom's other leading export: religious fundamentalism,
還有該國的另一個主要出口產品:宗教原教旨主義觀念,
which has fueled al-Qaeda, the Taliban, ISIS and other Islamic terrorist groups for decades.
幾十年來,這一觀念相繼扶持了包括基地組織、塔利班、ISIS在內的多個伊斯蘭恐怖組織。
"We believe the practice today in a few countries, among them Saudi Arabia, is not the practice of Islam," he tells TIME.
“我們認為,今天,包括沙特在內的一些國家踐行的其實并不是伊斯蘭教的教義,”他告訴本刊記者。
"It's the practice of people who have hijacked Islam after 1979."
“而是1979年后劫持伊斯蘭教的那些人的教義。”
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