評論
打印
Christine Matthews, a Republican pollster,
共和黨民意測驗專家克里斯蒂娜·馬修斯說，
said the Democratic message, focused on health care, was "more relevant” to most voters than what Mr. Trump was offering them in his final argument.
民主黨的思路，專注于醫療保健這一思路，對大多數選民來說都比特朗普在最后一次辯論中提供的思路“更切實際”。
Likening the election to a tug of war, Ms. Matthews said the president was trying to energize his predominantly white and male base even as moderate women recoil from him.
馬修斯女士將這次選舉比作一場拔河比賽，她說，總統正在努力給他主要的后援白人和男性選民加油打氣，即使這時不少女性選民對特朗普退避三舍了。
"On one end, you've got white college-educated women pulling hard, pulling back from what we're seeing," Ms. Matthews said.
“一頭是用力把繩子往自己的方向拉的受過高等教育的白人女性，”馬修斯女士說。
"On the other side of the rope, you've got non-college-educated men pulling hard in the other direction."
繩子的另一頭則是也在用力往另一個方向拉的未受過高等教育的男性。”
Even before his lunge toward culture-war rhetoric,
甚至在他撲向文化戰爭言論之前，
Mr. Trump and his party appeared to be receiving scant political advantage from the state of the economy,
特朗普和他領導的共和黨就好像已經只能從這個國家的經濟上攫取很少的政治優勢了，
which has grown steadily during his presidency and pushed the unemployment rate below 4 percent.
盡管在他執政期間，美國的經濟一直在穩步增長，失業率也控制在了4%以內。
A dip in the stock market over the final weeks of the campaign appeared to frustrate Mr. Trump,
競選最后幾周股市的下跌似乎讓特朗普先生感到失望了，
who suggested on Twitter — without evidence — that it reflected investors' concerns about a Democratic takeover.
因為他在推特上暗示——沒有提供證據——這一下跌反映了投資者對民主黨接手這個國家的擔憂。
At no point this fall has a majority of voters approved of Mr. Trump,
這個秋天，沒有哪個時刻是大多數選民都支持特朗普的，
and while some surveys have shown improvement in his standing recently,
盡管有一些調查顯示他最近的地位有所改善，
the Gallup poll found at the end of October that just 2 in 5 Americans rated his performance favorably.
但蓋洛普民意調查顯示，10月底，只有五分之二的美國人對他的表現給出了肯定。
If many of the most closely watched elections are at the federal level,
如果最受關注的選舉許多都是聯邦級別的選舉的話，
governors' races around the country may be the most consequential elections, long term, for both parties.
那么，各地州長的競選可能就是最為重要的選舉，從長遠來看，對兩黨都是如此。
Democrats are hoping to elect a history-making set of candidates,
民主黨人希望選出一系列歷史性的候選人，
including Stacey Abrams in Georgia and Andrew Gillum in Florida, who would be the first African-Americans to lead their states.
包括佐治亞州的史黛絲·艾布拉姆斯和佛羅里達州的安德魯·吉勒姆，他們將成為第一批領導兩州的非裔美國人。
And Republicans are struggling to defend their dominance across Midwestern state governments, from Michigan and Ohio to Wisconsin and Iowa.
共和黨人則在努力捍衛他們在從密歇根州和俄亥俄州到威斯康星州和愛荷華州的中西部各州政府中的統治地位。
Should Democrats capture several of those governorships,
民主黨要是能拿下這些地區的幾個州長之位，
it could help them redraw congressional district lines to their advantage after 2020.
他們就能在2020年之后的選舉中重新劃分國會選區并占據優勢地位。
And Republican losses at the state level could complicate Mr. Trump 's path to re-election,
共和黨在州一級的失勢可能會讓特朗普的連任競選之路變得更為坎坷，
strengthening the opposition party in crucial battlegrounds where he failed to consolidate support after the 2016 election.
轉而鞏固對立黨在關鍵戰場的地位，2016年大選之后特朗普就一直未能進一步夯實那些地區的選民對他的支持。
But it was the bifurcated maps this year between House and Senate that made 2018 so unusual,
然而，讓本屆選舉格外不同于以往的是今年眾議院和參議院在競選地圖上的分裂之勢，
with Republicans from different regions sounding as if they hailed from two opposing parties when discussing Mr. Trump.
因為在討論特朗普時，來自不同地區的共和黨人的語氣都好像表示他們是來自兩個對立黨派一樣。
"If we pick up seats, he's going to be the only reason why,” Mr. Gardner said, crediting Mr. Trump's aggressive campaigning in red-state Senate races.
“如果我們能夠贏得席位，那么他一定是我們能夠贏得席位的唯一一個原因”，加德納說到，他指的是特朗普在紅州拉開的雄心勃勃的參議院競選活動。
Yet Mr. Curbelo, who like many of the most endangered House Republicans represents a metropolitan area,
然而，庫爾貝洛，和許多代表著大都市地區但在國會的地位已經岌岌可危的許多共和黨議員一樣，
portrayed the president as a mildly irritating but distant bystander.
將總統描繪成了一個沒有特別令人惱火但總是若即若離的旁觀者形象。
Republicans are running their own races in each of their districts while the president is talking about topics important to him,” he said with a wry chuckle.
“共和黨人在各州忙著他們的競選，而總統卻在談論對他自己來說很重要的問題，”他苦笑著說。
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