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The vicious attempted coup of July 2016 deserved to fail.
2016年7月的惡性未遂政變理應(yīng)失敗。
But Mr Erdogan’s revenge has been indiscriminate and disproportionate.
但是埃爾多安先生報復(fù)是不分青紅皂白、不成比例的。
Some 110,000 people have lost their jobs in the army, schools and the bureaucracy;
大約11萬人失去了在軍隊(duì)、學(xué)校和政府的工作，
more than 50,000 people were arrested, of whom 35,000 have been convicted.
超過5萬人被捕，其中3.5萬人被判有罪。
Taking advantage of a climate of fear and a state of emergency,
埃爾多安先生利用恐懼的氣氛和情況的緊急，
Mr Erdogan pushed through a constitutional reform that turns Turkey from a parliamentary to a presidential system,
通過憲法改革將土耳其從議會變成總統(tǒng)制，
greatly reducing the power of the legislature to check a now-mighty president, ie, himself.
極大地削弱了立法機(jī)關(guān)的權(quán)力，而立法機(jī)關(guān)是用來制衡現(xiàn)在強(qiáng)大的總統(tǒng)的，即，埃爾多安本人。
These changes were approved by a close referendum in 2017, amid credible allegations of cheating.
2017年，這些改革全民公投通過，而這次公投遭到了可信的作弊指控。
For all these reasons, Mr Erdogan should go.
出于以上所有原因，埃爾多安應(yīng)該下臺。
Who should replace him is less obvious.
但誰應(yīng)該取代他就不那么明朗了。
Of the alternatives, Selahattin Demirtas, the leader of the HDP, the main Kurdish party, is impressive but has no chance of winning，
在有可能取代他的候選人中，庫爾德人的主要政黨人民民主黨領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人塞拉赫丁·德米爾塔什，印象深刻但沒有獲勝的機(jī)會，
not just because he is a Kurd in a country that mistrusts them,
不僅僅是因?yàn)樗幵谝粋€不信任庫爾德人的國家里，
but also because he is campaigning from behind bars, having been jailed on trumped-up terrorism charges.
還因?yàn)樗诒O(jiān)獄里進(jìn)行競選活動，他因之前捏造恐怖主義而被指控入獄。
On balance, Muharrem Ince, a former teacher who now represents Kemal Ataturk’s old party, the CHP, is the best option.
總的來說，穆哈雷姆·因斯是最合適的選擇，他以前是老師，現(xiàn)在代表凱末爾的舊政黨，即共和人民黨。
Despite the CHP’s statist instincts, Mr Inceis a strong-minded and decent candidate.
盡管共和人民黨有中央集權(quán)的傾向，但因斯先生是一位意志堅強(qiáng)、正派得體的候選人。
He has made a point of visiting Mr Demirtas in prison; as the child of observant Muslims, he could win over some AK voters.
他特意拜訪了獄中的德米爾塔什先生；作為虔誠的穆斯林的后代，他能夠贏得一些正義與發(fā)展黨選民的支持。
Polls suggest that Mr Ince will find it hard to win even if he can force Mr Erdogan into a run-off on July 8th.
民意調(diào)查顯示，因斯先生即使能和埃爾多安先生進(jìn)入7月8日的決選，也很難贏得選舉。
That makes the parliamentary ballot especially important.
這使得議會選舉尤為重要。
There is a good chance that AK (and a smaller ally) will lose its majority.
好機(jī)會是正義與發(fā)展黨(以及一個較小的盟友)很有可能失去多數(shù)席位。
For that to happen, though, the HDP will have to clear a 10% thresh old or it will get no seats at all.
不過，為了實(shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)，人民民主黨必須清除10%的舊票，否則將得不到任何席位。
Voters should opt for it wherever they can.
選民應(yīng)該盡可能地選擇因斯先生。
Even if Mr Erdogan wins re-election, an opposition controlled chamber will be able to speak out against his abuses,
即使埃爾多安贏得連任，由反對黨控制的議院將能夠公開反對埃爾多安權(quán)力濫用、
block his decrees and perhaps reverse his constitutional changes.
對其法令頒布形成一定阻礙，或許還可以逆轉(zhuǎn)他的憲法改革。
Any checks and balances are better than none.
為了阻止蘇丹埃爾多安，土耳其需要一個有效的反對黨。
To stop the sultan, Turkey needs an effective opposition.
任何審查和制衡都比沒有強(qiáng)。
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