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經濟學人:巴西經濟 極端天氣在前

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Brazil's economy

巴西經濟
Rough weather ahead
極端天氣在前
The mistakes Dilma Rousseff made during her first presidential term mean her second will be stormy
迪爾瑪·羅塞夫在她第一個任期內所犯的錯誤將使她的第二個任期風雨交加
WHILE Dilma Rousseff prepared to be sworn in for a second term as Brazil's president on January 1st, the skies over the capital, Brasília, were forecast to be clear. But the outlook for the next four years is gloomy. Her daunting to-do list includes repairing ties with America, damaged by the revelation in 2013 that its spies had tapped her phone calls. Deforestation in the Amazon region is rising after a decade of decline, and the worst drought on record threatens to bring energy and water rationing to the industrial south-east. Preparations for the 2016 Olympics in Rio de Janeirorisk a reprise of the deadline- and budget-busting run-up to the 2014 football World Cup, which Brazilalso hosted. Ms Rousseff's left-wing Workers' Party (PT) and its allies are embroiled in a corruption scandal involving Petrobras, the state-controlled oil giant, though so far she is personally untainted.
當迪爾瑪·羅塞夫準備一月一日的巴西總統連任宣誓時,天氣預報顯示首都巴西利亞是晴天。但是對于未來四年前景的展望卻不容樂觀。她艱巨的工作任務清單中包括修復與美國因2013年竊聽丑聞而破碎的外交關系。亞馬遜地區的森林破壞速度在經歷十年的連續下降后重新上升,有史以來最為嚴重的干旱對東南地區的能源與水資源配給帶來了嚴峻考驗。2016年巴西里約熱內盧奧運會的籌備工作再一次面臨著預算無法按期籌集的危險,而這一風險在2014年巴西舉辦足球世界杯時就已經開始積累了。盡管羅塞夫本人沒有任何污點,但她的左翼工黨勢力與其盟友卻卷入國有石油巨頭巴西石油公司的腐敗丑聞中。

But it is the economy where the storm-clouds are stacked highest. The end of the commodity supercycle means falling prices for Brazilian exports of soyabeans, iron ore and, most recently, oil. And the policies Ms Rousseff pursued during her first term have proved disastrous. A combination of macroeconomic laxity and microeconomic meddling, intended to boost growth, merely undermined public finances and her credibility. GDP rose by just 6.7% during her first four years. Her biddable Central Bank governor, Alexandre Tombini, and finance minister, Guido Mantega, cut interest rates and let rip on public spending even as inflation rose and tax receipts slowed. If her second term is to be any better, she will need to undo much of what she did in the first.。

但是現在經濟風暴正猛。大宗貨物超級周期的結束意味著巴西出口的大豆、鐵礦和石油的價格跌落。這已經證明了羅塞夫在其第一個任期內所推行的政策是災難性的。寬松的宏觀經濟政策與干預性的微觀經濟政策相結合,旨在促進經濟增長,但僅僅只是逐步削弱了公共財政體系和她的個人聲譽。在她的四年任期內,國內生產總值僅僅增加了6.7%。即使在通貨膨脹上升、稅收收入下降的情況下,聽命于她的中央銀行行長亞歷山大·托比尼和財政部部長吉多?曼特加依然降低利率與削減公共開支。如果她想在第二個任期內能做得更好,那么她需要停止許多她在上個任期中所做的事。
Ms Rousseff has made a start by recruiting Joaquim Levy, a hawkish banker, to replace Mr Mantega, and Nelson Barbosa, a respected economist, to the planning ministry, where he will oversee public investment. Mr Tombini will remain at the Central Bank, but has clearly been told to take the inflation target of 4.5% seriously; since Ms Rousseff's victory in October, the benchmark interest rate has been raised from 11% to 11.75%. New agriculture and trade ministers with ties to farmers and industry signal a truce with the maligned private sector. The foreign ministry, too, is expected to get a more trade-friendly boss.
羅塞夫已經做出了改變,她任命強硬派銀行家若阿金·萊維取代吉多?曼特加曼成為新任財務部部長,受人尊敬的經濟學家尼爾森·巴博薩任計劃部部長,在那里他將監督公共投資。托比尼繼續留任中央銀行行長,但是已經被明確告知確立4.5%的通脹目標的嚴重性;自羅塞夫在十月的大選勝出后,銀行基準利率已經從11%提高到11.75%。與農民和工業具有緊密聯系的新農業貿易部部長與私營貿易部門達成了和解。外交部部長也希望獲得更多能進行友好貿易往來的老板。
Mr Levy, in particular, has his work cut out. He has promised a primary budget surplus (before interest payments) of 1.2% of GDP in 2015 and 2% in2016 inorder to avoidBrazillosing its investment-grade credit rating. But under Mr Mantega opaque and inefficient subsidies to energy, transport and credit ballooned. And half of all primary public spending (including on pensions) moves in step with the minimum wage, which is to rise by around 2.5% in real terms in 2015 under a multi-year formula that links it to past GDP growth. This means that Mr Levy must find savings of 2.1% of GDP elsewhere. A surplus of 0.7-0.8% is more plausible, thinks Mansueto Almeida, a public-finance expert.
特別是萊維先生,他需要削減自己的工作。為了避免巴西失去其投資級別信用評級,他已經承諾的基本預算盈余(支付利息之前)將占2015年國內生產總值的1.2%。但是在曼特加針對能源不透明與低效補貼的情況下下,運輸和信用問題不斷膨脹。根據過去國內生產總值的相關公式計算,約一半初級公共支出(包括養老金)與最低工資均穩步提高,增長將約2.5%。這意味著萊維必須從其他地方找到占國內生產總值的2.1%的盈余。公共財政專家艾梅達認為0.7%-0.8%的盈余才更為合理。
Even hitting that lower target will mean cutting public investment and raising taxes—thereby making a return to growth even harder to achieve in the short term.Brazil's tax burden, already at 36% of GDP, is far higher than that of other middle-income countries. And its big construction firms, which are alleged to have bribed Petrobras for contracts, are likely to get caught up in legal proceedings and thus barred from public work. That puts at risk planned infrastructure projects budgeted at 870 billion reais ($325 billion), including some needed for the Olympics. After a 7.2% drop in investment in 2014, Itaú, a bank, expects investment to be flat in 2015. Analysts have duly slashed growth forecasts for 2015 from 2.5% a year ago to 0.8% or less. Some predict an outright recession.
即使要達到較低的目標也將意味著公共投資的削減和稅收的提高,以此來恢復增長,這甚至難以在短期內達到。巴西的稅收負擔,已經達到了GDP的36%,遠遠高于其他中等收入國家。其最大的建筑企業,被指控向巴西石油公司進行賄賂而獲取合約是指賄賂,有可能因為陷入法律訴訟而被禁止進行公共工作。這增加了預算為8700億雷亞爾(3250億美元)的基建項目的計劃風險,其中包括一些奧運所需要的設施。當2014年的投資總額下降7.2%以后,巴西伊塔烏投資銀行銀行,預計2015的投資總額將與其持平。分析師們已經將2015年經濟增長預期從一年前的2.5%下調到到0.8%甚至更少。有人預測經濟將出現衰退。
Mr Levy's task should become slightly easier in 2016, when, thanks to stalled GDP growth, spending linked to the minimum wage should merely keep pace with inflation. Ms Rousseff's, by contrast, is likely to become harder, thinks Jo?o Castro Neves of Eurasia Group, a consultancy. The PT's left-wingers and their sympathisers in trade unions and social movements despise Mr Levy, whom they call “Scissorhands”. The party's allies in government are in a mutinous mood: in December 35 of 71 congressmen from its biggest coalition partner refused to vote with the government to revise this year's unattainable primary-surplus target of 1.9% (though the measure passed anyway). The Petrobras affair, which the opposition is exploiting with gusto, will further deplete the president's already diminished political capital.
萊維先生在2016年的的任務將變得容易些,由于停滯的GDP增長,與最低工資相關的支出應跟上通貨膨脹的速度。相反的,羅塞夫的任務可能會變得更加困難,美國智庫歐亞集團的分析師若奧·卡斯特羅·內維斯認為。工黨的左翼分子和他們的工會運動、社會運動支持者并不待見萊維先生,并稱他為“剪刀手”。該黨在政府中的盟友存在反叛的情緒:在12月,71名國會議員中的35人拒絕投票贊成政府修訂今年無法實現的1.9%的初級盈余目標(盡管最后法案獲得了通過)。反對黨對巴西石油公司事件的深度挖掘與利用,將進一步消耗總統日益減少的政治資本。
Austerity will also hit her popularity in the country at large. Petrol prices have already gone up; electricity and public transport are next. The most recent plan to raise bus fares in big cities, in June 2013, sparked the biggest protests in a generation, and was quickly dropped. Any fiscal and monetary adjustment big enough to restore public finances is sure to push up the jobless rate, which is now close to a record low of around 5%.
緊縮政策也會降低她在國內的支持率。汽油的價格已經上漲了;電力和公共交通則是下一個。最新的計劃是在大城市提高巴士票價,在2013年六月,這引起了一個群體的強烈反對于是很快就被廢棄了。任何足以恢復公共財政的財務和貨幣調整都肯定會推高失業率,現在的失業率維持在5%左右,接近歷史最低值。
Ideally, Ms Rousseff will let Mr Levy snip away, and use the Petrobras scandal to revitalise the ailing oil and construction industries by opening them up to foreign competition and dropping onerous (and graft-inducing) local-content rules. But having promised Brazilians that belt-tightening would be painless, she may unbuckle at the first twinges of discomfort. Even if she does not, her new-found appetite for reforms will not be matched by her capacity to accomplish them.
理想的情況是,羅塞夫將讓利維自行去處理,并且利用巴西石油公司的丑聞去振興境況不佳的石油,通過引入國外競爭力、減少當地法規限制去發展建筑產業。但是羅塞夫已經向國民許諾緊縮政策將不會為他們生活帶來痛苦,她也許解除第一次陣痛帶來的不適。即使她沒有諾,她目前的能力將無法幫助他去實現新的改革愿望。譯者 王巍

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