Books and Arts; Book Review;Chile;Man of the moment;
文藝;書評;智利;誰主沉浮;
The Southern Tiger: Chile's Fight for a Democratic and Prosperous Future. By Ricardo Lagos with Blake Hounshell and Elizabeth Dickinson.
《南虎:智利為民主繁榮的未來而戰》,Ricardo Lagos、Blake Hounshell 和 Elizabeth Dickinson 著。
In 1988 General Augusto Pinochet organised a plebiscite that he was confident would grant him another eight years of absolute power. Ricardo Lagos, a hitherto little-known Socialist leader, used a live television programme—the first to feature opposition politicians since Pinochet's military coup of 1973—to defy the climate of fear that was the dictator's most powerful political weapon. Pointing his finger at the camera, he addressed him directly, saying that it was inadmissible that he sought to remain in power. Ignoring the presenter's attempt to cut him off, Mr Lagos said “I am speaking for 15 years of silence.”

1988年,奧古斯托·皮諾切特將軍舉行了一次全民公投,他自信這次公投會讓他再獨裁八年。社會黨領袖里卡多·拉各斯當時還鮮為人知,他利用電視直播節目挑釁恐懼氣氛,人們擔心這次公投是獨裁者最強大的政治武器。這是自1973年皮諾切特發動軍事政變以來,反對派政治家首次在熒屏亮相。拉各斯用手指指著攝像機,直接對皮諾切特發表演說,表示不許他繼續掌權。拉各斯無視主持人打斷他的企圖,說道:“我在為15年的沉寂代言。”
It was a turning point. The opposition went on to win the plebiscite, ushering in Chile's transition to democracy. Mr Lagos would become a minister in the first two democratic governments, and was elected Chile's president in 2000. By far the most interesting and moving part of his memoir concerns his patient and difficult work to build opposition to the dictatorship.
這是一個轉折點。反對派接著贏得了全民公投,迎來智利向民主的過渡。拉各斯成為前兩屆民主政府的部長,2000年他當選為智利總統。迄今為止,他的回憶錄中最有趣最感動人心的部分是他極具耐心又歷盡艱難地建立了反對獨裁的在野黨。
After Pinochet overthrew the elected far-left government of Salvador Allende, almost 3,000 people were murdered or disappeared, 29,000 were imprisoned (nearly all of them were tortured) and some 200,000 sought refuge abroad. Mr Lagos, an academic economist, was an adviser to the Allende government but not a member of it. After the coup, he taught in the United States, before returning to Chile in 1978. He played a prominent role in coaxing into existence a broad centre-left front, called the Concertación. He disagreed with the far-left over its refusal to rule out violence against the regime. That didn't spare him from being detained for 18 days after a failed assassination attempt against Pinochet by communists.
皮諾切特推翻了極左的民選薩爾瓦多·阿連德政府之后,有近3000人被殺害或失蹤,29000人被監禁,幾乎所有被監禁的人都受到了折磨,還有大約20萬人到國外避難。理論經濟學家拉各斯是阿連德政府的顧問,不是政府成員。政變后他在美國任教,直到1978年才回到智利。爭取民主聯盟是智利明顯中間偏左的陣線,拉各斯在耐心成立它的過程中發揮了突出作用。他不贊成極左派采取暴力抵抗政權。共產黨人企圖暗殺皮諾切特失敗后,這點并未讓他免于十八天的拘留。
In the first of its two decades in power the Concertación had to govern in Pinochet's shadow. That was changed by the dictator's arrest in London in October 1998 at the request of a Spanish magistrate; by the Chilean Supreme Court's decision to lift his immunity and by the revelation that he had stolen $30m. As president, Mr Lagos oversaw a national dialogue about the past that saw the army own up to its abuses and apologise for them. He is surely right that the process of reconciliation, of finding out the truth about what happened and punishing the abusers where possible, required both time and political determination.
爭取民主聯盟執政二十年,起初不得不在皮諾切特的陰影下進行統治。1998年10月應一位西班牙法官的要求,獨裁者皮諾切特在倫敦被捕,智利最高法院決定解除他的豁免權,他侵占3000萬美元一事也被披露,這些改變了這種局面。過去軍隊承認濫用并為此道歉,作為總統,拉各斯監督有關這段過去的全國對話。他無疑是正確的,找出所發生事情的真相,并在可能的情況下懲罰濫用者,這樣的和解進程既需要時間又需要政治決心。
In office Mr Lagos tried to combine a free-market economy with public policies designed to create a less unequal society. He had some success: he signed free-trade agreements with the United States and the European Union and created new anti-poverty, health and housing programmes. This modern and moderate social democracy is an implicit rebuke to Allende, whom he is reluctant to criticise directly.
執政期間,拉各斯試圖把自由市場經濟與公共政策相結合,而這些公共政策旨在創建一個少些不平等的社會。他取得了一些成功,與美國和歐盟簽署了自由貿易協定,并制訂了新的反貧困、健康與住房計劃。這種溫和的現代社會民主是對阿連德含蓄的指責,他不愿直接批評阿連德。
Despite its title, the book is infuriatingly perfunctory in its treatment of Chile's impressive socioeconomic progress under the Concertación. Mr Lagos's presidency merits just two chapters, one of which focuses on foreign policy. It was to the author's abiding credit that Chile, a member of the UN Security Council at the time, refused to back George Bush's rush to war against Iraq.
智利在爭取民主聯盟執政時所取得的社會經濟進步令人印象深刻,但本書不顧它的標題,對這點的處理敷衍塞責,讓人氣憤。拉各斯總統任期的功績只有兩章,其中一章還側重于對外政策。智利當時是聯合國安理會成員國,它拒絕支持喬治·布什匆忙發動對伊戰爭,這點讓拉各斯享有了持久聲望。
Mr Lagos broadly welcomes the student protests that broke out in Chile last year, after the Concertación left office. “These are the children of Chile's democracy, born after the fall of the dictator and raised in a country that has come to expect and demand responsive and responsible government,” he writes. But he doesn't say what he thinks of the student demand to abolish for-profit education. The reader is left wondering whether he might have done more when president to reduce income inequality through tax reform.
去年爭取民主聯盟下野后,智利爆發了學生抗議活動,拉各斯明白地表示歡迎。他寫道,“這些學生是智利民主的兒童,出生在獨裁者下臺之后,成長在期待并要求政府敏感負責的國家。”。但他對學生要求廢除以營利為目的的教育沒有表示看法。當總統要通過稅制改革來減少收入不平衡,拉各斯是否可以做得更多?他把這個問題留給了讀者猜疑。
“The Southern Tiger” is occasionally marred by the breezy Americanisms of Mr Lagos's co-writers, journalists at Foreign Policy magazine. But between them they have produced a readable book about the consolidation of democracy in Latin America. The pity is that it could have been a much more profound one.
拉各斯的合著者是《對外政策》雜志的記者,他們輕松活潑的美國風偶爾給《南虎》投下了敗筆。不過他們與拉各斯通力合作,寫出了一部有關拉丁美洲鞏固民主的書,值得一讀。可惜的是,本來該書可以寫得更深刻些。