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經濟學人:歷史及其悲哀之處 History and its woes

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Books and Arts; Book Review;Mass murder;

文藝;書評;大屠殺;

History and its woes;How Stalin and Hitler enabled each other's crimes;

歷史及其悲哀之處;斯大林和希特勒如何縱容彼此犯下大罪;

Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin. By Timothy Snyder.

血染之地:希特勒和斯大林之間的歐洲,作者Timothy Snyder。

In the middle of the 20th century Europe's two totalitarian empires, Nazi Germany and Stalin's Soviet Union, killed 14m non-combatants, in peacetime and in war. The who, why, when, where and how of these mass murders is the subject of a gripping and comprehensive new book by Timothy Snyder of Yale University.

在20世紀中期,歐洲大陸的兩大集權帝國,納粹德國和斯大林治下的蘇聯,在和平時期和戰爭時期殺死了1400萬非戰斗人員。這些大屠殺所涉及的人,屠殺的原因、時間、地點以及過程就是耶魯大學的Timothy Snyder的這本引人而內容全面的新書的主題。

The term coined in the book's title encapsulates the thesis. The “bloodlands” are the stretch of territory from the Baltic to the Black Sea where Europe's most murderous regimes did their most murderous work. The bloodlands were caught between two fiendish projects: Adolf Hitler's ideas of racial supremacy and eastern expansion, and the Soviet Union's desire to remake society according to the communist template. That meant shooting, starving and gassing those who didn't fit in. Just as Stalin blamed the peasants for the failure of collectivisation, Hitler blamed the Jews for his military failures in the east. As Mr Snyder argues, “Hitler and Stalin thus shared a certain politics of tyranny: they brought about catastrophes, blamed the enemy of their choice, and then used the death of millions to make the case that their policies were necessary or desirable. Each of them had a transformative Utopia, a group to be blamed when its realisation proved impossible, and then a policy of mass murder that could be proclaimed as a kind of ersatz victory.”

本書題目中所造的詞語是其主題的濃縮?!把局亍本褪侵笍暮诤V敛_的海這片土地,在這片土地上,歐洲最殺人如麻的政權犯下了最為殘暴的惡行。這片血染之地夾在兩個惡魔般的計劃之間:阿道夫-希特勒的種族優越思想和東擴的念頭,以及蘇聯按共產主義模式再造世界的強烈欲望。這就意味著對于那些與這兩個計劃的格格不入的人,就要被槍斃、餓死或用毒氣毒死。就像斯大林將社會主義集體化的失敗歸咎于農民身上那樣,希特勒把在東方的軍事失敗歸咎于猶太人。正如Snyder所說,“故斯大林和希特勒的暴政是有著某些共同之處的,他們都帶來災難,歸罪他們的自己所指的敵人,然后用數百萬人死亡的代價來證明他們的政策是必要或理想的。二人都建立了變種的烏托邦,當發現政策根本不現實時,就歸咎于一群人,然后就可以把大屠殺政策宣稱為一場虛假的勝利了?!?/p>

Mr Snyder's book is revisionist history of the best kind: in spare, closely argued prose, with meticulous use of statistics, he makes the reader rethink some of the best-known episodes in Europe's modern history. For those who are wedded to the simplistic schoolbook notions that the Hitlerites were the mass murderers and the Soviets the liberators, or that the killing started in 1939 and ended in 1945, Mr Snyder's theses will be thought-provoking or shocking. Even those who pride themselves on knowing their history will find themselves repeatedly brought up short by his insights, contrasts and comparisons. Some ghastly but well-known episodes recede; others emerge from the shadows.

Snyder的書是一本最好的修正史:用簡練而論證嚴密的筆法,加上對統計數據的精妙運用,本書使讀者對歐洲現代史上最著名的一些章節作了一番再思考。對于那些已經接受了單純的教科書觀點(即希特勒一方是大屠殺的兇手,蘇聯人是解放者,或者屠殺始于1939年,結束于1945年)的人來說,作者所述之事將是發人深思、震人心魄的。就算那些以自己的歷史知識為傲的讀者也會一再地為作者的廣博見識、鮮明比照和比喻手法而受益匪淺。一些蒼白可怖但廣為人知的歷史片段逐漸模糊,另一些片段從陰影中開始浮現。

Sometimes the memories are faded because so few were left to remember. Those who suffered horribly but lived to tell the tale naturally get a better hearing than the millions in unmarked graves. Mr Snyder's book straightens the record in favour of the voiceless and forgotten.

有時,記憶的褪色是因為沒有幾個人能活到現在。那些歷經苦難但活下來的人,他們講的故事自然比那數百萬無名冢所述更有受眾。Snyder的大作理清了曲直,只為那些已無法出聲或已被忘卻的冤魂。

He starts with the 3.3m in Soviet Ukraine who died in the famine of 1933 that followed Stalin's ruthlessly destructive collectivisation. He goes on to mark the 250,000-odd Soviet citizens, chiefly Poles, shot because of their ethnicity in the purges of 1937-38. Sometimes the NKVD simply picked Polish-sounding names from the telephone directory, or arrested en masse all those attending a Polish church service.

作者從1933年造成330萬人死亡的烏克蘭饑荒寫起,這次饑荒緊隨斯大林的殘酷而毀滅性的集體化運動。然后又寫到25萬余蘇聯公民,主要是波蘭人,在1937-38年的大清洗中被殺害,只因為他們的種族。有時內務人民委員會只在電話號碼簿上挑一些發音像是波蘭人的名字,或是成批逮捕去波蘭教堂禮拜的人。

Some stories remained untold because they were inconvenient. About as many people died in the German bombing of Warsaw in 1939 as in the allied bombing of Dresden in 1945. Post-war Poland was in no state to gain recognition for that. The Nazi-Soviet alliance of August 1939 was “cemented in blood”, Stalin said approvingly. Few wanted to remember that two years later, when the Germans invaded the Soviet Union in Operation Barbarossa. The Western allies did little to stop the Holocaust. Few wanted reminding that the only government that took direct action to help the Jews was the Polish one: seven of the first eight operations conducted in Warsaw by the underground Polish Home Army were in support of the ghetto uprising. (After the war, the Communist authorities executed as “fascists” Polish soldiers who had helped the Jews.)

有些故事仍然未見天日,因為不便講出。1939年德國對華沙的轟炸造成的死亡人數和盟軍在1945年轟炸德累斯頓造成的死亡人數不相上下。這一犧牲,戰后的波蘭從未正式獲得承認。納粹和蘇聯在1939年8月的結盟是“鮮血凝成的”,斯大林贊許地說道。沒幾個人愿意記起,兩年后,德國就發動“巴巴羅薩”計劃入侵蘇聯。西方盟國對大屠殺幾乎未加阻止。沒幾個人愿意提起,唯一一個對猶太人直接給予幫助的政府恰恰是波蘭政府。在地下的波蘭國民軍所組織的前八次行動中,有七次是為了支持猶太區的起義。(戰后,波蘭共產主義當局將曾經幫助過猶太人的波蘭士兵當做“法西斯分子”予以處決。)

Stalin regarded all Soviet prisoners-of-war as traitors. Their German captors starved them to death in their millions; nobody dared mourn them. The Holocaust, too, did not fit into Soviet historiography, especially as post-war anti-Semitism intensified (“Every Jew is a nationalist and an agent of American intelligence,” Stalin said in 1952). Memorials to murdered Jews carried not the Star of David but the five-pointed Soviet one, and referred blandly to “Soviet citizens” or “victims of fascism”.

斯大林把所有蘇聯戰俘都當成叛徒。俘獲他們的德軍將他們上百萬地餓死,沒有人敢為他們哀悼。大屠殺也不合蘇聯的官修史要求,在戰后反猶運動日益激烈之后更是如此。(斯大林在1952年曾說道:“每個猶太人都是民族主義者和美國情報人員”),被屠殺猶太人的墓碑上不是大衛星,而是蘇聯的五角星,他們被淡淡地歸為“蘇聯公民”或“法西斯主義的受害者”。

Many of the stories in the book are already known as national or ethnic tragedies. Poles focus on the Warsaw uprising; Jews on Auschwitz; Russians on the siege of Leningrad; Ukrainians on the great famine. Mr Snyder's book weaves the stories together, explaining how the horrors interacted and reinforced each other. Hitler learnt a lot from Stalin, and vice versa.

書中很多故事都已作為國家或民族慘案而為人知曉。波蘭人關注華沙起義;猶太人關注奧斯維辛,俄羅斯人關注列寧格勒圍城戰,烏克蘭人關注那次大饑荒。本書將這些事穿插起來一起記述,解釋了恐懼是如何相互影響和逐步扎根的。希特勒從斯大林那里學到了不少,二人彼此彼此。

Mr Snyder shifts the usual geographical focus away from the perpetrator countries to the places where they first colluded and then collided. Germany and Russia (and Germans and Russians) mostly fared better, or less horribly, than the places in between (there were more Jews in the Polish city of Lodz alone than in Berlin and Vienna combined). No corner of what are now Belarus and Ukraine was spared. Much of Germany and even more of Russia was unscathed, at least physically, by war.

作者將地理上的關注點從傳統的兩個罪惡國家,轉移到了兩國初次勾結而后又發生沖突的地方(即波蘭)。德國和俄羅斯兩國(德國人和俄羅斯人也是如此)所付出的代價在大都比兩國之間其他歐洲地區更小,或者沒那么可怕。(只在波蘭城市羅茲的猶太人就比柏林和維也納加在一起還多)?,F在的白俄羅斯和烏克蘭全境的每個角落都無一幸免。 而德國的很多地方和俄羅斯的更多地方都未遭受戰爭的傷害,至少未受有形的傷害。

He also corrects exaggerations, misapprehensions and simplifications. The bestial treatment of slave labourers in concentration camps, and the use of gas chambers, are commonly seen as the epitomes of Nazi persecution. But the Germans also shot and starved millions of people, as well as gassed and worked them to death. In just a few days in 1941, the Nazis shot more Jews in the east than they had inmates in all their concentration camps.

作者同樣糾正了一些對歷史的夸大、誤解和簡單化現象。在對納粹迫害的記述概要中,經常可以看到集中營對奴隸勞工非人的虐待和毒氣室的使用。但德國人除了用毒氣毒死和活活累死大批人之外,也槍殺和餓死了數以百萬計的人。僅在1941年的幾天內,納粹在東線槍殺的猶太人數量,就比所有集中營的囚犯人數還要多。

“Bloodlands” has aroused fierce criticism from those who believe that the Soviet Union, for all its flaws, cannot be compared to the Third Reich, which pioneered ethnic genocide. Doing this, the critics argue, legitimises ultranationalists in eastern Europe who downplay the Holocaust, exaggerate their own suffering—and dodge guilt for their own collaboration with Hitler's executioners.

“血染之地”已經激起了一些人的激烈批評,這些人認為蘇聯即使有千般缺點,也比不上第三帝國的罪惡,后者是種族屠殺的先鋒。批評者認為,這種做法將使東歐的極端民族主義者合法化,這些極端分子漠視大屠殺,夸大自身遭受的苦難---而不愿直面他們與希特勒的劊子手們勾結的罪行。

That argument is powerful but unfair. Many people say stupid things about history. Mr Snyder is not one. He does not challenge the Holocaust's central place in 20th-century history. Nor does he overlook Soviet suffering at the hands of Hitler or the heroism of the soldiers who destroyed the Third Reich. But he makes a point that needs reinforcement, not least in Russia where public opinion and officialdom both retain a soft spot for Stalin's wartime leadership. The Soviet Union's ethnic murders predated Nazi Germany's. Stalin was not directly responsible for the Holocaust, but his pact with the Nazis paved the way for Hitler's killing of Jews in the east.

這理由很有力卻不公平。很多人都對歷史胡說八道,但作者不是其中之一。他既沒有挑戰大屠殺在20世紀歷史中的中心地位,也沒有無視蘇聯在希特勒的鐵蹄下所受的苦難,以及摧毀第三帝國的士兵們的英勇。作者提出了的觀點亟需聲援,尤其是在俄羅斯這樣一個國家,大眾輿論和官方仍然對斯大林的戰時領導心懷仰慕。蘇聯的種族屠殺要早于納粹德國。斯大林對屠殺是沒有直接責任,但他和納粹的結盟為希特勒在東方屠殺猶太人鋪平了道路。

Mr Snyder's scrupulous and nuanced book steers clear of the sterile, sloganising exchanges about whether Stalin was as bad as Hitler, or whether Soviet mass murder in Ukraine or elsewhere is a moral equivalent of the Nazis' extermination of the Jews. What it does do, admirably, is to explain and record. Both totalitarian empires turned human beings into statistics, and their deaths into a necessary step towards a better future. Mr Snyder's book explains, with sympathy, fairness and insight, how that happened, and to whom. Just don't read it before bedtime.

Snyder先生的這本嚴謹而微妙的著作,繞開了那些無意義的口號式的相互攻擊,諸如斯大林是否和希特勒一樣壞,或蘇聯在烏克蘭或其他地方的大屠殺是不是和希特勒滅絕猶太人一樣的道德犯罪。令人敬佩的是,這本書所給出的是解釋和記錄。這兩個集權帝國都把活生生人變成了統計數字,把這些人的死亡變成了實現國家美好未來的必要步驟。Snyder的這本書懷著同情,正直而富有洞察力地解釋了這一切是如何發生的,發生在了誰的頭上。 只是不要在睡覺前讀。

重點單詞   查看全部解釋    
concentration [.kɔnsen'treiʃən]

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n. 集中,專心,濃度

 
collaboration [kə.læbə'reiʃən]

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n. 合作,通敵

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supremacy [sju'preməsi]

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n. 至高,主權,最高權力或地位

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retain [ri'tein]

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vt. 保持,保留; 記住

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gripping ['gripiŋ]

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adj. 引起注意的 動詞grip的現在分詞形式

 
dodge [dɔdʒ]

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v. 避開,躲避 n. 躲避

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expansion [iks'pænʃən]

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n. 擴大,膨脹,擴充

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mass [mæs]

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n. 塊,大量,眾多
adj. 群眾的,大規模

 
inconvenient [.inkən'vi:njənt]

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adj. 不方便的

 
impossible [im'pɔsəbl]

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adj. 不可能的,做不到的
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