評論
打印
Good evening. What an immense pleasure to come to this intellectual powerhouse to honor one of the greatest intellectuals of our time. Let me especially thank Professor Craig Calhoun for his kind introduction—I know that Professor Calhoun is a great leader in his field, and a great leader of the LSE.
晚上好。非常高興來到這所著名學府，向當今時代最偉大的一位學者致以敬意。我特別要感謝克雷格·卡爾霍恩教授的介紹辭——我知道卡爾霍恩教授是他所研究領域中的一位偉大領袖，也是倫敦經濟學院的一位偉大領袖。
The LSE is one of the world’s most prestigious universities. Its alumni include 34 world leaders and 16 Nobel Prize winners.
倫敦經濟學院是世界上最負盛名的大學之一。有 34 位世界領導人和 16 位諾貝爾獎得主畢業于該校。
One of these Nobel Prize winners is, of course, the luminous Amartya Sen. There are few economists today who can match his reach—from the complex mathematics of social choice to the lofty speculation of moral philosophy; combining deep theoretical rigor with a heartfelt concern for the poor and the marginalized.
其中一位諾貝爾獎得主便是著名的阿馬蒂亞·森。他的研究領域之廣，當今很少有經濟學家能夠達到——從利用高深的數學方法研究社會選擇，到對道德哲學的高屋建瓴的思考；他的研究不僅理論極其嚴謹，同時還充滿了對窮人和邊緣化人口的由衷關心。
Amartya Sen has always understood that the concerns of economics are closely related to the concerns of justice and fairness. In that, he follows in the footsteps of the great economic thinkers of the past.
阿馬蒂亞·森一直認識到，經濟學所關注的問題應該與正義和公平問題緊密相關。這一想法與過去的偉大經濟思想家不謀而合。
Today, especially in the wake of the global crisis, members of the profession are asking the kinds of questions that Amartya has spent his whole life pondering. His was a prophetic voice, and he can rightfully be called the conscience of economics.
今天，特別是在全球危機之后，經濟學界的人提出了阿馬蒂亞思考一生的問題。他是先知的聲音，他可以理所當然地被稱為經濟學的良心。
Tonight, the topic I want to talk about sits at the intersection of justice and economics—the issue of empowerment. Empowerment is about economic opportunity, the ability to freely choose one’s own path in life in accordance with one’s distinctive talents and abilities. It is about cutting away obstacles to true human flourishing.
我今晚想談的題目正是處在公正與經濟學的交點——賦權的問題。賦權是關于經濟機會，即，按個人才華和能力自由選擇自身生活道路的能力。它旨在消除實現人類真正繁榮的障礙。
I want to address three distinct layers of empowerment:
我想探討賦權的三個不同層次：
First, the empowerment of the individual—and what that means for economic policies.
首先，個人賦權——以及這對經濟政策意味著什么。
Second, what is needed to help individual empowerment—the empowerment of institutions.
其次，需要用什么來保障個人賦權——制度的賦權。
Third, what is needed in turn to help national economies flourish—the empowerment of multilateralism.
第三，進而需要用什么來促進國家經濟繁榮——多邊主義的賦權。
Empowerment of individuals
個人賦權
Let me begin with individual empowerment. There are, of course, many obstacles to empowerment. I will address two of them—obstacles based on income disparities, and obstacles based on gender disparities.
我首先談談個人賦權。當然，在賦權方面，有很多障礙。我來談其中兩個——收入差距和性別差距的障礙。
Income disparities
收入差距
Starting with income disparities: across the board, the gap between the haves and the have-nots has risen substantially in recent years. In many countries, the wealthy are taking home a greater share of the rewards today than at any time in the postwar era. We might have avoided a second Great Depression, but we have not avoided a second Gilded Age.
首先談談收入差距：近年來富人與窮人之間的差距普遍擴大。在很多國家，富人目前的收入份額超過戰后的任何時候。我們可能避免了第二次大蕭條，但我們未能避免第二個鍍金時代。
And while regions like Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa are making great economic progress, their momentum is still being held back by the stumbling block of inequality.
盡管拉丁美洲和撒哈拉以南非洲等地區取得了重大的經濟進步，它們的發展勢頭仍然被不平等這一障礙所拖累。
Now, I think I know what Amartya Sen would say about this. He would argue that we should look beyond income inequality and worry about a wider set of disparities—such as in health, education, unemployment, and social exclusion.
現在，我想我知道阿馬蒂亞·森對此會說什么。他會說，我們不僅應關注收入不平等，還應關注更廣泛的不平等——例如，醫療衛生、教育、失業、社會排斥等方面。
This is an extremely important point. Indeed, Professor Sen’s contribution here is truly groundbreaking. For some decades now, he has developed an approach to inequality based less on income and more on capability. This approach judges people’s advantage by their capability to do the things they value. It is about opportunity, about giving a person the means to live well.
這是極其重要的一點。的確，阿馬蒂亞·森教授在這方面的貢獻確實是開創性的。幾十年以來，他開發出一種分析不平等問題的方法，這種方法不過于依據“收入”，而是更多依據“能力”。這種方法根據人們完成其所看重的事情的能力來判斷其優勢。
Yet I would argue that there is an intimate connection between the modern incarnation of inequality and these broader notions of opportunity.
它是關于機會，是讓一個人生活得更好的手段。
In more unequal societies, too many people lack the basic tools to get ahead—decent nutrition, healthcare, education, skills, and finance. This can create a vicious cycle, whereby economic insecurity causes people to invest too little in skills and education. As the Bank of England’s Andrew Haldane put it, “being poor taxes the mind every bit as much as the wallet”.
不過，我想說，現代的不平等的概念與這些更廣義的機會的概念之間有著密切的聯系。 在更不平等的社會里，太多的人缺乏獲得成功的基本手段——必要的營養、醫療、教育、技能和資金。這會產生惡性循環，即，缺乏經濟保障導致人們對技能和教育的投資過少。正如英格蘭銀行的安德魯·霍爾丹說的，“貧窮對心靈造成的負擔不亞于對錢袋造成的負擔”。
In more unequal societies, we also find lower levels of contentment. We find less mobility across generations.
在更不平等的社會里，我們還發現自我滿足程度較低，代際流動性較低。
The end result is that excessive inequality can hinder individual empowerment. Not surprisingly, it also hinders sustainable economic growth—this is a result of recent IMF research.
最終結果是，過度不平等會阻礙個人賦權。不奇怪的，不平等也會阻礙可持續經濟增長——基金組織最近的研究得出這樣的結論。
This is why I believe that policies to tame excessive income inequality are win-win—if carefully chosen and calibrated, they can spur empowerment and economic advancement. Think of policies like boosting spending on health, education, active labor market policies, and in-work benefits.
所以我相信，消除過度不平等的政策是雙贏的——如果仔細選擇和調整這些政策，它們將能促進賦權和經濟進步。這些政策包括：增加醫療、教育支出，實施積極的勞動力市場政策，以及提供在職福利。
Let me say a word here on education, which remains a uniquely powerful agent of empowerment. In a world of stark inequality, we need to make education accessible to all.
我來談一談教育。教育仍是獨特而強大的賦權手段。在嚴重不平等的世界里，我們需要讓所有人都能獲得教育。
I want to point out that the IMF has joined this movement. In conjunction with a not-for-profit partner, we have developed an online learning program for government officials—and opened it up to the general public too. These massive open online courses (MOOCs) enhance knowledge and skills in the areas where the IMF is active—and thus empower people to better understand, and engage with, the economic policies and decisions that affect their lives.
我想告訴大家，基金組織已經參與進來。我們與一個非營利伙伴合作，開發了一個政府官員在線學習計劃，并且向公眾開放。這些大規模開放式在線課程（MOOCs）能夠提升人們在基金組織職能領域的知識和技能，從而使人們能夠更好地了解并參與影響其生活的經濟政策和決策。
Gender disparities
性別差距
Let me now turn to the second obstacle to empowerment—gender disparities. This is an issue close to my heart—and Professor Sen’s, too, I know.
我下面談一談賦權的第二個障礙，性別差距。這是我非常關注的一個問題，也應該是阿馬蒂亞·森教授非常關注的問題。
Globally, women earn only three-quarters as much as men, even with the same job and same education. They are underrepresented in the formal sector and overrepresented in the informal sector. They spend twice as much time on household chores as men—and four times as much on childcare. They make up 70 percent of the billion people living on less than a dollar a day, and are the first to be submerged by economic crisis.
從全球看，女性所掙收入僅為男性的四分之三，即使是同樣的工作、同樣的教育背景。她們在正規部門的就業過少，而在非正規部門的勞動參與過多。女性花在家務上的時間是男性的兩倍，花在照顧孩子上的時間是男性的四倍。全球有十億人每天靠不足一美元維生，其中女性占 70%。經濟危機襲來時，她們將首當其沖。
Women are also locked out of leadership positions, where gender seems to matter more than qualifications. When they do reach the top, they are more likely to be fired.
女性也被排斥在領導職位之外。在這方面，性別似乎比資格更重要。就算她們升到最高職位，她們也更有可能被解雇。
The bottom line is that women are underutilized, underpaid, under-appreciated—and over-exploited.
總之，女性未被充分利用、所獲報酬過低、不被重視——并被過度剝削。
This needs to change. Yes, it is a matter of justice, but it is also a matter of basic economics.
這種情況需要改變。是的，這是公正問題，但也是基本經濟學問題。
Amartya Sen played a pioneering role in raising awareness in this area, drawing attention to the scandal of “missing” women—women who would likely be alive today had they been born male. They are missing because of too much neglect and too little respect—including from poor nutrition and healthcare.
在增強人們對這一領域的意識方面，阿馬蒂亞·森發揮了開創性作用。他提醒人們注意“女性失蹤之謎”——即，一些女性，如果她們出生時是男孩，很可能今天還活著。
Some estimates suggest that there are more missing women in the world today than all the men killed in all the wars of the 20th century combined.
她們不見了，因為她們被嚴重忽略、得不到尊重——包括營養不良和醫療缺乏所致。一些估計顯示，當今的“失蹤”女性比在 20 世紀所有戰爭中戰死的男性更多。
This is startling and shocking. It is surely one of the greatest moral causes of our time.
這令人觸目驚心。這無疑是當今時代最重要的道德問題之一。
The solution, as Amartya has long argued, is to increase women’s voice and agency—through their independence and their empowerment.
阿馬蒂亞一直認為，解決辦法就是增強女性的聲音和作用——通過鼓勵她們的獨立性，通過賦權于她們。
What does this mean in practice? It means focusing on education, ownership rights, and employment opportunities outside the home.
在實踐中，這意味著什么？這意味著關注教育，關注所有權權益，關注家庭以外的就業機會。
Once again, empowerment boils down to education. Women’s education also showers benefits on society as a whole. The evidence suggests that women are more altruistic—one study found that women spend up to 90 percent of their earnings on health and education, as opposed to just 30-40 percent for men.
同樣，女性賦權歸結于教育。女性的教育對整個社會有益。有關證據顯示，女性更無私。一項研究發現，女性將高達 90%的收入用于醫療和教育，而男性的這一比例僅為30-40%。 女性的經濟參與也是如此。
The same is true for women’s economic participation. Women are the ultimate agents of aggregate demand, accounting for 70 percent of global consumer spending. Eliminating gender gaps in labor force participation can lead to big jumps in income per capita, especially in regions like the Middle East and North Africa—27 percent—and South Asia—23 percent.
女性是總需求的最終行為者，占全球消費支出的 70%。消除勞動力參與的性別差距能大幅提高人均收入，特別是在中東和北非地區（增幅將達27%）以及南亞地區（23%）。
This is why the IMF has been recommending policies to boost women’s participation in places like Korea and Japan, where women are still not visible enough.
所以，基金組織已經建議采取有關政策，提高日本和韓國等國的女性勞動力參與程度。在這些國家的勞動隊伍中，婦女的身影并不太多見。
Fundamentally, there are no shortcuts to a vibrant economy—it must be built from the bottom up, from the empowerment of every single individual.
從根本上講，建設富有活力的經濟沒有捷徑可走——必須從下至上，從賦權于每個人開始。
Empowerment of institutions
制度的賦權
This brings to my second issue—empowering institutions. As people strive to achieve their potential, they are not striving in a vacuum. They are navigating the dense of thicket of institutions and governance structures that run through the economy.
我下面就談談第二個問題——制度的賦權。人們在努力實現其潛力時，并非處在真空中。個人處在貫穿于整個經濟的制度和治理結構中。
These institutions matter. Depending on how they are designed, they can help or hinder, catapult or shackle. Good institutions are founded on the principles of accountability, transparency, and impartiality. They facilitate empowerment by letting success depend on competence rather than connections, participation rather than patronage—by offering an open hand rather than a closed fist.
這些制度很重要。取決于其設計方式，它們能起到促進或阻礙、推動或束縛作用。良好的制度建立在問責、透明和公正原則之上。這樣的制度可以使人們憑能力而非關系、憑參與而非贊助獲得成功，從而促進賦權——它提供了一個張開的手，而不是合起的拳頭。
This evening, I would like to mention a narrow subset of institutions—ones that contribute directly to economic wellbeing by providing strong frameworks for fiscal policy, monetary policy, and financial sector oversight. Without good institutions in these areas, and without capable people behind them, policies will be ineffective, and avenues for empowerment will be blocked.
今晚，我想談談制度中的一小部分——通過提供財政政策、貨幣政策、金融部門監管的穩健框架，直接增進社會福利。如果在這些領域沒有健全的制度，在這些制度的背后沒有具備能力的人，那么，政策將是無效的，賦權的途徑將是不暢的。
To use Amartya’s Sen’s language: if we want better capability, then we need better capacity.
用阿馬蒂亞·森的話來說：“如果我們想有更好的能力，那么我們需要更好的接納力。”
Let me talk about the IMF in this context. You probably know that the mandate of the IMF is for global economic and financial stability.
在這方面，我來談談基金組織。各位可能知道，基金組織的一項職責是維護全球經濟和金融穩定。
What you might not know is that one of the main ways we fulfill this mandate is by helping countries design, build, and strengthen their institutions. Through technical assistance and training, we act as a global conduit for the sharing of knowledge and know-how.
各位也許不知道的是，我們行使這項職責的一個主要途徑是，幫助各國設計、建設、加強其制度。我們通過技術援助和培訓，在全球范圍內促進知識和技能的共享。
Putting it simply: we help countries help themselves—which is what empowerment is all about.
簡單來說，我們幫助各國實現自助——這正是賦權的意義所在。
Overall, we devote a quarter of our budget to capacity building. Since 2008, we have provided training to most of our 188 member countries, and technical assistance to 90 percent of them. Low-income and lower-middle income countries receive two-thirds of our technical assistance and half of our training.
總體看，我們的預算有四分之一用于能力建設。2008 年以來，我們向 188個成員國中的大多數提供了培訓，向 90%的成員國提供了技術援助。低收入和中等偏低收入國家獲得了我們所提供技術援助的三分之二，培訓的一半。
Our special focus is on the building blocks of macroeconomic stability—areas like improving tax systems, better managing public funds, strengthening financial sector oversight, and enhancing the quality of economic statistics.
我們特別重視宏觀經濟穩定——例如改善稅收體系、改善公共資金管理、加強金融部門監管，提高經濟統計質量等。
Of course, the IMF is not alone in this. Many others—including the World Bank, our sister institution—are also doing wonderful work in this area, helping people in a way that respects their agency. And it is generous donor financing that makes so much of our own work possible.
當然，在這方面開展工作的并不只是基金組織。許多其他機構——包括世界銀行，我們的姊妹機構——也在這一領域開展了出色的工作，以尊重人們所起作用的方式幫助他們。另外，我們的大量工作之所以能順利開展，離不開捐助方的慷慨資助。
Country examples
國家例子
But rather than talking in general terms, let me give you a concrete and vivid flavor of what we are actually doing on the ground.
我不想泛泛而談，而想舉一些具體、生動的例子，使大家能了解我們實際開展的工作。
Let us begin with Myanmar, our third largest recipient of technical assistance. Myanmar is today awakening from fifty years of isolation, and decades of drift and insularity when learning was limited, universities were neutered, and travel was restricted.
首先談一談緬甸，我們技術援助的第三大接受國。在五十年的孤立狀態以及數十年的顛沛和封閉（學習活動有限，大學毫無生氣，旅游受到限制）之后，現在，緬甸正在覺醒。
Until recently, the economy was poorly integrated into the wider world. The central bank was part of the ministry of finance. The budget process was antiquated and a lot of data were maintained by hand.
緬甸經濟基本沒有融入更廣泛的世界，這情況直到最近才有所改觀。中央銀行是財政部的一部分。預算程序落后過時，很多數據是手工維護的。
Together with other donors, we joined hands with Myanmar and helped it take those crucial first steps—setting up an independent central bank, removing exchange restrictions and establishing a functioning foreign exchange market.
我們與其他捐助方一道，與緬甸共同努力，幫助它邁出重要的步驟——建立獨立的中央銀行，取消匯兌限制，建立正常運作的外匯市場。
We are now providing assistance in core areas like tax administration, financial sector oversight, and economic statistics.
我們目前在稅收征管、金融部門監管、經濟統計等核心領域提供援助。
We are helping Myanmar not only awakening—but humming with energy and dynamism. I saw this first hand when I was there last December. Everyone I talked to—including the amazing Aung San Suu Kyi—said the same thing: the country must have the foundations in place to achieve economic lift-off.
我們不僅幫助緬甸實現了覺醒，而且讓它充滿了能量和活力。我去年 12 月訪問緬甸時親眼見證了這一點。與我交談的每一個人——包括杰出的昂山素季——都談到了相同的一點：緬甸必須打好根基，實現經濟崛起。
They all understood the importance of boosting tax revenue—which is a mere 7 percent of GDP—to raise money for essential spending on health, education, and infrastructure. They all understood the need to build a modern financial sector, so that people can empower themselves through access to credit—including women and people in rural areas.
他們都知道，為保證醫療、教育和基礎設施的必要支出，必須提高稅收收入。緬甸的稅收收入僅占 GDP 的 7%。他們都知道，需要建設現代化的金融部門，使人們能夠通過獲得信貸而實現自我賦權——包括女性和農村人口。
I focused on Myanmar because of its unique awakening. Yet I could tell a similar story in countless other countries.
我之所以重點談緬甸，因為它正處于獨特的覺醒過程中。但其他國家的類似例子不勝枚舉。
In Cambodia, for example, we are helping to put in place a legal framework to restore trust in the financial system. One legacy of the Khmer Rouge terror was the complete breakdown of the banking system—people put their money under beds instead of in banks. Yet Cambodia needs a thriving financial system for rural development and empowerment. And we can see results: a decade ago, banks were almost non-existent in the countryside; now they are commonplace.
例如，我們正在幫助柬埔寨建立法律框架，以恢復對金融體系的信任。紅色高棉政權的遺留問題之一是銀行體系的徹底解體——人們將錢放到床下，而不是存到銀行里。但柬埔寨需要一個繁榮的金融體系來促進農村發展和賦權。這方面也取得了成果：十年前，農村基本上沒有銀行；而現在，銀行在農村很普遍。
Look at Kosovo, which not so long ago gained its independence and emerged from conflict. In a short period of time, it has made remarkable progress in building the foundations of a modern market economy. With hands-on technical assistance and training, Kosovo created a brand new central bank from scratch. And just as it once received, it now gives—training other central banks in the nuts and bolts of monetary policy.
再比如科索沃。科索沃不久之前才獲得了獨立并走出戰亂。在很短的時間里，科索沃在奠定現代市場經濟根基方面取得了顯著進展。在基金組織實地技術援助和培訓的支持下，科索沃建立了全新的中央銀行。科索沃過去接受幫助，現在則開始幫助別的國家——向其他中央銀行提供貨幣政策基本知識方面的培訓。
I could also talk about Peru, one of the world’s fastest-growing economies. Peru is leaping ahead, and yet its capacity to collect taxes is lagging behind—with a fifth of its revenue lost through avoidance and evasion of taxes. With our assistance, it is now strengthening tax collection and the management of its public finances. That means it can spend more on vital social programs like Juntos—a conditional cash transfer program that makes sure that poor children get access to healthcare and education.
我還可以談一談秘魯。秘魯是世界上增長最快的經濟體之一，正在大步前進，但它的征稅能力卻很落后——財政收入的五分之一因避稅和逃稅而喪失。在基金組織技術援助的支持下，秘魯目前正在加強稅收征管和公共財政管理。這意味著，秘魯能夠將更多資金用于社會項目，比如 Juntos——這是一個有條件的現金轉移項目，保證貧困孩子能夠獲得醫療服務和教育。
I could also mention the Arab transition countries, where citizens are seeking to empower themselves through time-tested principles like opportunity, impartiality, and dignity. We are helping these countries build the economic foundations of new societies—in such core areas as tax policy and administration, financial sector reform, monetary policy, capital markets, and statistics. And we are doing it on the ground, including through a regional technical assistance center and a regional training institute.
我也可以談一談阿拉伯轉型國家。通過在機會、公正、尊嚴這些經過時間檢驗的原則方面的訴求，這些國家的公民正在努力自我賦權。我們在幫助這些國家建立嶄新社會的經濟基礎——在稅收政策和征管、金融部門改革、貨幣政策、資本市場、統計等核心領域。我們是在實地開展這些工作的，包括通過一個地區技術援助中心和一個地區培訓學院。
As one final example, let me turn to sub-Saharan Africa. Just last week, we held a major conference in Mozambique on the theme of “Africa rising”—which is really one of the great, if underappreciated, stories of our time. Many African countries are blessed with a bounty of natural resources, but—as we know only too well—this blessing can too easily become a curse. So it is vitally important to put in place strong fiscal regimes to manage resource revenues—for the benefit of this generation and generations to come. This was a key theme at the conference, and we are providing assistance in this area to countries like Kenya, Mozambique, and Tanzania. Much of our hands-on help in Africa is delivered through our five regional technical assistance centers—in Gabon, Ghana, C?te d’Ivoire, Mauritius, and Tanzania.
最后一個例子是撒哈拉以南非洲。上個星期我們剛剛在莫桑比克召開了以“非洲崛起”為主題的會議，這一主題確實是當今最重要的、甚至可能未被充分評價的故事。許多非洲國家擁有豐富的自然資源，但眾所周知，自然資源的“恩賜”很容易變成“詛咒”。所以，必須建立強健的財政體制來管理資源收入——為了當今這一代人，也是為了子孫后代。這是會議討論的主題，而基金組織正在向肯尼亞、莫桑比克和坦桑尼亞等國提供這一領域的援助。我們在非洲的實地援助是通過五個地區技術援助中心提供的，它們分別設在加蓬、加納、科特迪瓦、毛里求斯和坦桑尼亞。
This is just a flavor of IMF capacity building. The basic point is, I believe, clear: the empowerment of people depends fundamentally on the empowerment of institutions—which need to be subject to accountability, transparency, and impartiality.
這僅僅是基金組織能力建設工作的一小部分。我認為，基本的一點很明確——人的賦權從根本上取決于制度的賦權——需要遵循問責、透明和公正的原則。
And as the global economy becomes more intricate and interconnected, institutions—and the people behind them—will need to keep up with these changes. So we will need continuous empowerment of institutions across the entire spectrum of our membership—not just the poorer countries.
此外，隨著全球經濟變得更加錯綜復雜、相互關聯，制度——以及制度背后的人——需要跟上這些變化。所以，我們的全體成員國（不僅是貧困國家）都需要不斷推進制度的賦權。
Empowerment of multilateralism
多邊主義的賦權
This brings me to my third area this evening—the empowerment of multilateralism. In a very basic way, today’s challenges are increasingly global challenges. Empowerment today depends not just on what is happening in your own country, but what is happening in the wider world.
下面就是我今晚要談的第三個問題——多邊主義的賦權。根本上講，當今的挑戰愈發呈現出全球性。當今的賦權不僅取決于一國自己的情況，而且取決于世界的狀況。
I know that this vision resonates at the LSE, which truly has a global reach and a global mentality. I can see it in this room.
我知道，這種看法在倫敦經濟學院能夠引起共鳴，因為倫敦經濟學院具有全球影響和全球理念。我從在座的各位就能看出來。
We live in a world that is simultaneously coming together and drifting further apart. Coming together due to the dense and intricate web of interconnections that run through our global economy—in trade, finance, technology, communications. Coming apart due to the increasing diffusion of power across the world—toward more diverse geographical regions and more diverse global stakeholders, a more tribal mentality.
我們生活在一個既向中間靠攏、又向四周分散的世界中。靠攏，是因為貫穿全球經濟的是緊密而復雜的互聯網絡——在貿易、金融、技術、通訊各個方面。分散，是因為世界上權力越來越分散——更加多樣化的地區，更加多樣化的全球利益相關者，更大程度上的部族思維狀態。
If we are not careful, this tension between integration and fragmentation could lead to indecision, impasse, and insecurity.
如果我們不夠小心，這種既融合又分割的矛盾就可能導致我們優柔寡斷、陷入僵局、失去安全。
At the same time, the global economy is facing huge threats to sustainability, threats that affect us all, no matter where we live. Think about huge demographic shifts, the perils of climate change, the strains of rising inequality, the development of fragile states.
同時，全球經濟面臨著巨大的可持續性威脅，這種威脅影響到我們所有人，無論我們生活在哪里。這樣的例子包括人口變化、氣候變化、不平等的加劇、脆弱國家的發展。
Problems of this magnitude cannot be solved by homegrown solutions or provincial mindsets. They require a sense of common purpose and common citizenship. They require a reinvigorated sense of multilateralism.
如此重大的問題，無法靠一國自身或限于局部的思維方式來解決。必須本著共同目標和全球公民精神，重振多邊主義。
Once again, Professor Sen has a lot to say about this. He has argued that we must recognize the responsibilities that come with our shared humanity. As he puts it, “to argue that we do not really owe anything to others who are not in our neighborhood…would make the limits of our obligations very narrow indeed”.
阿馬蒂亞·森對此也提出了豐富的見解。他指出，我們必須認識到我們共同的人性所肩負的責任。正如他說的，“如果因為他們不是我們的鄰居，就認為我們跟他們沒什么關系，那么，我們的責任實際上就太狹義了”。
This is the peril of our modern global economy: if we hunker down behind closed doors, or erect walls or barriers, we erect obstacles to opportunity, obstacles to empowerment.
這就是現代全球經濟的危險：如果我們蹲在緊閉的門后，或豎起一堵墻或一排柵欄，那么我們就豎起了機會的障礙、賦權的障礙。
In other words: if enhancing capability means enhancing capacity, it also means enhancing cooperation.
換句話說：加強能力意味著提高接納力，還意味著增強合作。
As Charles Dickens once said, “the men who learn endurance, are they who call the whole world brother”.
正如查爾斯·狄更斯曾說過的，“學會忍耐的人，是將整個世界稱為兄弟的人”。
This is another area where I believe the IMF can play a crucial role. Indeed, we have been playing that role for 70 years now—as a fruit of that visionary postwar “multilateral moment”, when nations put the global good above narrow interests, taking a bet that the blessings of cooperation would disperse far and wide. This is a bet that always pays off.
我相信，基金組織也可以在這一領域發揮關鍵作用。事實上，我們在過去 70 年中一直發揮著這一作用——這也是戰后“多邊主義時刻”理想的成果。當時，各國將全球福祉置于狹隘利益之上，冀望于全球合作能帶來深遠的好處。只要持有這種冀望，那么你將必然得到回報。
I have talked already about the role played by the IMF in helping countries build capacity. It also plays a key role as a global convener of cooperation, bringing together 188 countries to share knowledge, to collaborate toward common ends, to lend a helping hand to one another in time of need.
我已經談了基金組織在幫助各國開展能力建設過程中所發揮的作用。基金組織還在促進全球合作方面發揮著關鍵作用——將 188個國家召集在一起，分享知識，為了共同的目標開展合作，并在需要時相互幫助。
The instruments of collaboration developed during those formative years have stood the test of time quite well. They should be preserved and protected. That requires bringing institutions like the IMF fully up to date, making them fully representative of the current global economic reality. We are working on that, and the mission is not yet accomplished!
那些年里建立起來的合作工具經受住了時間的考驗。我們應維持、保護這些合作工具。為此，基金組織這樣的機構必須緊緊跟上時代步伐，充分反映當今的全球經濟現實。我們正朝著這個目標努力，但尚未完成這一任務！
Yet we also need to go further—toward what I have called a “new multilateralism” for the 21st century. The new multilateralism must engage not only with the emerging powers across the globe, but also with the expanding networks and coalitions that are now deeply embedded in the fabric of the global economy.
但我們還需走得更遠——朝著我所稱的 21 世紀“新多邊主義”邁進。新多邊主義不僅要讓全球的新興強國參與進來，而且要擴大目前深嵌于全球經濟中的網絡和協作。
We need to invest in this kind of global social capital. We need to develop this idea of a global civil society—one that provides space for all voices, takes a broad global perspective, and adopts a genuine long-term vision. A vision that would make Amartya Sen proud.
我們需要投資于這種全球社會資本。我們需要樹立全球公民社會的理念——這樣的社會將傾聽每個人的聲音，具有寬廣的全球視角和真正的遠見卓識。這會令阿馬蒂亞·森感到驕傲。
With such a framework, I believe that the international community can unblock obstacles and unlock opportunities: providing the space for all to flourish—and to be empowered.
在這樣的框架下，我相信，國際社會能消除障礙，釋放機會：創造空間，讓所有人獲得成功，實現賦權。
Conclusion
結語
Let me conclude with some wisdom from Charlotte Bront?: “Liberty lends us her wings, and Hope guides us by her star”.
我想用夏洛蒂·勃朗特的一句話做個總結：“自由給我們翅膀，而希望則用星光指引我們。”
This is really what economic empowerment is all about—freedom, dignity, opportunity.
這就是經濟賦權的全部意義所在——自由，尊嚴，機會。
We must do whatever we can to help people help themselves, to let people lift themselves up—through enabling policies, enabling institutions, and enabling modes of international cooperation.
我們必須盡最大努力幫助人們實現自助，讓人們實現自我提升——通過賦權于人的政策、賦權于人的制度以及賦權于人的國際合作方式來實現。
As we set sail in this direction, we could do worse than ask Amartya Sen to guide us. After all, he has been sailing these waters for decades now. He knows them well. And he has been the one thinking about solutions long before most of us had even begun to recognize the problems.
在我們朝著這個方向啟航時，我們可以讓阿馬蒂亞·森指引我們。畢竟，他在這一片海里航行了幾十年，非常了解這一片海。在我們大多數人還沒開始認識到這些問題時，他就已經在想怎樣解決這些問題了。
Thank you very much.
十分感謝。
