評(píng)論
打印
Remarks by World Bank Country Director for China Klaus Rohland: Building More Efficient Cities in China
世界銀行中國(guó)局局長(zhǎng)羅蘭德在中國(guó)城鎮(zhèn)化報(bào)告宣講會(huì)上的講話——“中國(guó)構(gòu)建更高效城市”
ECOSOC Integration Segment
聯(lián)合國(guó)總部經(jīng)社理事會(huì)會(huì)議廳
New York, United States
紐約，美國(guó)
May 28, 2014
2014年5月28日
Thank you, Dr. Clos, Ambassador Wang, Dr. Ba, for this wonderful event. As Dr. Ba has mentioned, our report, Urban China, was jointly produced by the Development Research Center and the World Bank over the last year. It follows on the heels of the China 2030 Report that DRC and the World Bank did two years ago. Both reports were done at the request of China’s leaders and we are proud of the excellent relationship and, dare I say, the friendship developed between the team members of the DRC and the World Bank over these years.
感謝克洛斯博士、王民大使、巴博士組織了此次宣講會(huì)。正如巴博士所言，《中國(guó)：推進(jìn)高效、包容、可持續(xù)的城鎮(zhèn)化》報(bào)告由國(guó)務(wù)院發(fā)展研究中心（國(guó)研中心）和世行在過(guò)去一年中聯(lián)合編制。該報(bào)告是繼兩年前國(guó)研中心和世行聯(lián)合編寫(xiě)的《2030年的中國(guó)》報(bào)告之后的又一重要報(bào)告。兩份報(bào)告均應(yīng)中國(guó)政府領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人要求編寫(xiě)。這些年來(lái)，國(guó)研中心團(tuán)隊(duì)成員和世行團(tuán)隊(duì)成員之間建立了良好關(guān)系，同時(shí)，請(qǐng)?jiān)试S我冒昧地說(shuō)，也建立了深厚友誼。我們對(duì)這一關(guān)系和友誼感到自豪。
Our cooperation has offered us a unique opportunity to bring local expertise and global knowledge together. DRC, as you all know, is a preeminent think tank in China under the State Council, with an impressive capacity for research and valuable insights into policy making in China. The World Bank can bring to the table its global knowledge about what has worked and what hasn’t in other countries. Fusing local and global knowledge and building on comparative advantages is the way ahead for the World Bank, as our client countries are getting ever more sophisticated. I believe that we have charted a path for new ways of doing business for international institutions through our work.
雙方的合作為我們匯聚本地專(zhuān)業(yè)知識(shí)和全球知識(shí)提供了獨(dú)特契機(jī)。正如在座的諸位所知，國(guó)研中心是中國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)院下屬的一個(gè)卓越智庫(kù)，具備很強(qiáng)的政策研究能力和決策洞察力。世行能夠帶來(lái)其全球知識(shí)，介紹其它國(guó)家已奏效和未奏效的措施。隨著我們的借款客戶(hù)國(guó)變得愈發(fā)成熟且有經(jīng)驗(yàn)，融合本地知識(shí)和全球知識(shí)以及發(fā)揮其比較優(yōu)勢(shì)將是世行今后采取的策略。我認(rèn)為，通過(guò)我們的工作，我們已經(jīng)為國(guó)際機(jī)構(gòu)開(kāi)展業(yè)務(wù)的新方式引領(lǐng)了路徑。
Let us talk about urbanisation in China. You are all aware of the facts. In the past 30 years, urbanisation has contributed enormously to economic growth and modernization in China. About 500 million people have been lifted out of poverty and about 260 million migrated to cities to seek better opportunities. Today, China’s mega cities have income levels comparable with those of some OECD countries. Importantly, China has avoided some of the common ills of urbanization, notably urban poverty, unemployment and squalor.
接下來(lái)，我談?wù)勚袊?guó)的城鎮(zhèn)化。在座的各位都深諳實(shí)際情況。過(guò)去三十年來(lái)，城鎮(zhèn)化對(duì)中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)和現(xiàn)代化作出了巨大貢獻(xiàn)。約5億人脫貧，約2.6億人流入城市，尋找更好的就業(yè)和發(fā)展機(jī)會(huì)。如今，中國(guó)特大城市的收入水平與一些經(jīng)合組織國(guó)家特大城市的收入水平相當(dāng)。突出的一點(diǎn)是，中國(guó)成功地避免了城鎮(zhèn)化的一些常見(jiàn)病，尤其是城鎮(zhèn)貧困、失業(yè)和環(huán)境臟亂差等問(wèn)題。
Urbanization has been a global phenomenon since the onset of the industrial revolution in the 18th century. In England, for example, the share of urban population rose from 17% at the beginning of the 19th century to 72% some 90 years later. Countries experience urbanization spurts, such as the United States of America, as well as England in the mid‑to‑late 19th century and Germany around the turn of the 19th to the 20th century. Urbanization rates increased in Japan later during the last century and in Korea after 1960. Sometime during the first decade of this century, the tide turned and more than 50% of the world’s population were living in cities. By 2050, it is projected that more than 60% of the developing world and a staggering 85% of the developed world will be urbanized.
城鎮(zhèn)化是18世紀(jì)工業(yè)革命以來(lái)的一個(gè)全球性現(xiàn)象。例如，英國(guó)城鎮(zhèn)人口占比從19世紀(jì)初的17%提高到90年后的72%。不少?lài)?guó)家均經(jīng)歷了“井噴式”城鎮(zhèn)化，譬如美國(guó)、19世紀(jì)中后期的英國(guó)以及19世紀(jì)和20世紀(jì)之交的德國(guó)。上世紀(jì)，日本城鎮(zhèn)化提速；1960年以后，韓國(guó)城鎮(zhèn)化也是如此。本世紀(jì)頭十年，城鎮(zhèn)化浪潮轉(zhuǎn)向發(fā)展中國(guó)家，全世界半數(shù)以上人口在城市居住。預(yù)計(jì)到2050年，發(fā)展中國(guó)家的城鎮(zhèn)化率將超過(guò)60%，發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家將達(dá)到令人驚愕的85%。
The trend is clear. It is also unstoppable: all countries of the world will urbanize, each in their own ways and at their own pace, of course, but urbanize they will. And urbanisation does not happen by administrative fiat or by policy choice. The challenge for governments around the world is to manage it in such a way that their countries and their people benefit from it to the maximum possible. And that is also what the Prime Minister of China had in mind, when, in November 2013, he proposed that the DRC and World Bank work on urbanization.
城鎮(zhèn)化趨勢(shì)明朗，也不可阻擋：世界各國(guó)將通過(guò)各自路徑并以其自身速度實(shí)現(xiàn)城鎮(zhèn)化。城鎮(zhèn)化不會(huì)借助行政命令或政策選擇而實(shí)現(xiàn)。世界各國(guó)政府面臨的挑戰(zhàn)在于有效管理城鎮(zhèn)化進(jìn)程，使其國(guó)家和人民最大限度地從城鎮(zhèn)化受益。這一點(diǎn)也是中國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)院總理2013年11月建議國(guó)研中心和世行就城鎮(zhèn)化開(kāi)展研究時(shí)的考慮。
Urbanization is linked to productivity growth. China’s economy needs this for its future economic development. Most of the observers agree: China’s growth model of the last 30 years has run its course. I would like to highlight three points to make the case.
城鎮(zhèn)化與生產(chǎn)率提高密切相關(guān)。中國(guó)未來(lái)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展需要城鎮(zhèn)化。大多數(shù)觀察人士認(rèn)為，中國(guó)過(guò)去三十年來(lái)采用的增長(zhǎng)模式已完成其使命。在此，我主要提三點(diǎn)來(lái)印證這一說(shuō)法。
First, China, as it moves to the technological frontier, can no longer benefit from the advantages of backwardness, as it did in the last 30 years. Second, the demographic dividend of China—a young population with concomitant low labor cost—is also diminishing, as China’s demographic profile is turning. Within this decade, some say as early as 2016, more people will leave than enter the workforce. Needless to say, this will have huge implications for wages and increase labor cost. Fewer people will have to work more efficiently: Productivity will be the new source for economic growth. And productivity and its twin, innovation, are intrinsically linked to urban agglomerations.
首先，隨著中國(guó)逐步走向技術(shù)前沿，已不再能夠像過(guò)去三十年那樣從落后的優(yōu)勢(shì)中受益。其次，中國(guó)的人口紅利——年輕人口與低勞動(dòng)力成本并存——也在減少，因?yàn)橹袊?guó)的人口結(jié)構(gòu)正在轉(zhuǎn)變。在這個(gè)十年內(nèi)，有些人認(rèn)為最早在2016年，更多人將脫離而不是加入勞動(dòng)力隊(duì)伍。毋庸置疑，這將會(huì)對(duì)工資水平產(chǎn)生巨大影響，并將增加勞動(dòng)力成本。勞動(dòng)力減少后，人們就必須要提高工作效率：生產(chǎn)率將成為新的經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)源。生產(chǎn)率及其孿生姊妹——?jiǎng)?chuàng)新與城鎮(zhèn)集群密不可分。
Finally, China is also constrained by one overarching consideration: Climate change and the need for mitigation. Adaptation to global warming will limit its choices for growth. Earlier on, developed countries of today were ignorant of the dangers of climate change and built their progress on, what we by now know, unsustainable strategies. There is a limit to economic growth based on the exploitation of natural resources. Learning from this experience, before becoming rich, China has to shift to a new strategy to make sure that its development is sustainable for China, as well as for the rest of the world.
最后，中國(guó)也受到了一個(gè)首要考慮的制約：氣候變化及緩解其影響的必要性。適應(yīng)全球變暖趨勢(shì)將限制其對(duì)增長(zhǎng)方式的選擇。早年間，發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家忽視了氣候變化的威脅，將其發(fā)展寄托在現(xiàn)在我們知道是不可持續(xù)的戰(zhàn)略之上。依托利用自然資源來(lái)發(fā)展經(jīng)濟(jì)，則會(huì)制約經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)。基于這一經(jīng)驗(yàn)，在成為富裕國(guó)家之前，中國(guó)必須要轉(zhuǎn)而采用新戰(zhàn)略，確保其發(fā)展具備可持續(xù)性，這不僅對(duì)其自身有益，對(duì)世界其它國(guó)家也將有益。
Sustainable urbanization is at the center of such a new strategy. It must address the problem of urban sprawl in China: its cities are growing much faster in space than in population. The effects are clear, as air pollution and its long-term effects have become a pressing concern for citizens. Traffic congestions are occurring daily in China’s metropolises, wasting energy and time. The cost of infrastructure, such as water supply, roads and public transportation, will rise to unsustainable levels. Efficient and sustainable spatial development will be a priority.
可持續(xù)城鎮(zhèn)化是這一新戰(zhàn)略的核心。可持續(xù)城鎮(zhèn)化必須要回應(yīng)中國(guó)城市蔓延問(wèn)題：中國(guó)城市空間增速大大快于城市人口增速。城市蔓延的影響顯而易見(jiàn)，因?yàn)榭諝馕廴炯捌溟L(zhǎng)期影響已成為市民的一大急需解決的問(wèn)題。在中國(guó)的大都市，交通擁堵每天都在發(fā)生，不僅浪費(fèi)了能源，也浪費(fèi)了時(shí)間。供水、道路和公共交通等基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的成本將增至不可持續(xù)的水平。高效、可持續(xù)的空間開(kāi)發(fā)將成為一大要?jiǎng)?wù)。
China’s urbanization also has come at a social cost. There is a growing welfare gap between urban and rural populations. The working young are moving into the cities, yet the old and the very young are left behind in the remote countryside, the villages and hamlets of rural China. If unattended, this gap may well turn into a chasm. There is another gap within cities, between those registered as citizens and those who have migrated to the city, with fewer rights and lesser access to public services.
中國(guó)的城鎮(zhèn)化也造成了社會(huì)代價(jià)。城鄉(xiāng)人口福利方面的差距不斷拉大。年輕的勞動(dòng)適齡人群流入城市，老人和兒童被留在偏遠(yuǎn)鄉(xiāng)村。如不加以解決，這一差距很有可能變?yōu)殡y以彌合的溝壑。在城市里，在城市戶(hù)籍居民和外來(lái)人口中間也存在差距，后者獲得公共服務(wù)的權(quán)利和渠道較少。
Three considerations must therefore shape a new urbanization strategy. The urban economy should be efficient in productivity and innovation. It should provide social justice and equal access to social services, which will help address the rural‑urban inequality, as well as within‑city inequality. Also, the issue of sustainability looms large in the minds of the Chinese people
因此，在形成新的城鎮(zhèn)化戰(zhàn)略之前，必須要考慮三大因素。城鎮(zhèn)經(jīng)濟(jì)在生產(chǎn)率和創(chuàng)新方面應(yīng)實(shí)現(xiàn)高效；城鎮(zhèn)經(jīng)濟(jì)應(yīng)保障社會(huì)公正和公共服務(wù)均等化，這將有助于縮小城鄉(xiāng)差異和城市內(nèi)部差異；此外，可持續(xù)性問(wèn)題已成為中國(guó)人思考的重要問(wèn)題。
Let me briefly outline the policy areas for reform that our study identifies. Some of those proposed reforms have already been announced by the Chinese government as policies, in parallel to our work. Indeed, as we worked on our ideas, there has been a constant exchange between policy makers and the study team. This was indeed policy advice in real time.
請(qǐng)?jiān)试S我簡(jiǎn)要介紹一下本報(bào)告提出的建議改革的政策領(lǐng)域。在我們開(kāi)展研究工作的同時(shí)，部分改革建議已被中國(guó)政府所采納作為政策宣布。在我們研究過(guò)程中，在政府決策者和研究團(tuán)隊(duì)之間有著頻繁的交流，實(shí)際是一種實(shí)時(shí)的政策建議。
The efficiency of cities is really about improving the density of cities. Sprawling urban conglomerations entail huge costs. Think of the infrastructure for roads, water, sewerage and public transportation. It also stands in the way of improving productivity and innovation, which require cooperation between research and production, between all economic sectors, to achieve a synergy, as well as a productive, well-educated workforce. Think of cities like Stockholm, Barcelona or the Boston metropolitan area, as good examples. All of these are intimately related to the spatial dimension of cities.
城市效率的真正內(nèi)容是提高城市密度。不斷蔓延的城市集群會(huì)產(chǎn)生巨大成本，如道路、供水和污水設(shè)施以及公共交通等基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的成本，也會(huì)阻礙提高生產(chǎn)率和促進(jìn)創(chuàng)新。提高生產(chǎn)率和促進(jìn)創(chuàng)新需要研究與生產(chǎn)部門(mén)之間加強(qiáng)合作，各經(jīng)濟(jì)部門(mén)之間加強(qiáng)合作，這樣才能做到協(xié)同一致，打造出高生產(chǎn)率、高素質(zhì)的勞動(dòng)力隊(duì)伍。斯德哥爾摩、巴塞羅那和波士頓等城市就是這方面的范例。所有這些都與城市的空間格局密切相關(guān)。
It may come as a surprise to many, but Chinese cities are not dense. Guangzhou, for example, could accommodate 4.2 million more people, had it the density of Seoul in Korea. Actually, many modern Chinese cities have dense city cores. But beyond the third ring road in Beijing, the urban sprawl begins. And that is where density efficiencies can be achieved, and where they should be achieved.
中國(guó)城市密度不大，這一點(diǎn)可能會(huì)令許多人吃驚。例如，廣州要達(dá)到首爾的密度，還可以增加4200萬(wàn)人。實(shí)際上，中國(guó)許多現(xiàn)代化城市的中心區(qū)密度較大。但是，以北京為例，三環(huán)路以外的地區(qū)開(kāi)始出現(xiàn)蔓延。此類(lèi)蔓延區(qū)正是可以也應(yīng)該提高密度效率的地區(qū)。
Smart density planning is a guiding consideration for internal city design. Think of the superblocks in Beijing, sometimes 500 meters wide. Their very existence reduces the number of traffic arteries, because they only allow for a limited amount of junctions and crossroads, thus causing widespread congestions. A finer grained network makes it much easier to manage traffic.
精明的密度規(guī)劃是內(nèi)城設(shè)計(jì)的指導(dǎo)方針。以北京的超大街區(qū)為例，其寬度有時(shí)可達(dá)500米。此類(lèi)街區(qū)的存在減少了交通干道的數(shù)量，因?yàn)槠渲荒茉试S設(shè)置有限的交叉路口，從而導(dǎo)致大范圍擁堵。更細(xì)密的路網(wǎng)大大便于管理交通。
The density of cities is also about more space for rural and agricultural land. There is a widespread assumption that China needs around 120 million hectares for food production. If China’s cities were to continue their urban sprawl, they would need to convert rural to urban a land area the size of the Netherlands over the next 14 years. That is clearly not sustainable. It would threaten the 120 million hectares red line.
城市密度增大也意味著為農(nóng)村用地和農(nóng)業(yè)用地留有更大空間。有關(guān)人士普遍認(rèn)為，中國(guó)需要約1.2億公頃土地用于糧食生產(chǎn)。如果中國(guó)城市繼續(xù)蔓延，就需要在今后14年內(nèi)把相當(dāng)于荷蘭國(guó)土面積的農(nóng)村用地轉(zhuǎn)為城市用地。這樣做顯然不具備可持續(xù)性，還可能對(duì)1.2億公頃的耕地紅線構(gòu)成威脅。
Inequality is the second challenge. That is where the issue of land reform comes in. Part of the reason for urban sprawl is that cities tend to finance their expenditures by converting rural land into urban use. In this process, cities compensate farmers at the price of agricultural land, convert it into urban land, sell it to developers at urban land prices, and take the difference to finance their expenditures. Farmers are rightly aggrieved, and their demand for better compensation has led to social tensions and manifestations. No wonder the bulk of social unrest in China occurs at the urban periphery, where these two land systems—the rural land system and the urban land system—collide.
不平等問(wèn)題是第二大挑戰(zhàn)，而這正是土地制度改革的切入點(diǎn)。造成城市蔓延的部分原因在于城市往往通過(guò)把農(nóng)村用地轉(zhuǎn)為城市用地來(lái)為其支出籌集資金。在這一過(guò)程中，城市按農(nóng)業(yè)用地價(jià)格給農(nóng)民補(bǔ)償，把農(nóng)業(yè)用地轉(zhuǎn)為城市用地，再按城市用地價(jià)格把農(nóng)業(yè)用地賣(mài)給開(kāi)發(fā)商，把差價(jià)用于為其支出籌集資金。農(nóng)民感到不滿(mǎn)意是情有可原的，他們對(duì)提高補(bǔ)償?shù)囊髮?dǎo)致了社會(huì)緊張和抗議。因此，中國(guó)大部分社會(huì)不穩(wěn)定現(xiàn)象發(fā)生在城鄉(xiāng)結(jié)合部也就不足為奇了，因?yàn)檫@些地區(qū)正是兩種土地制度——農(nóng)村土地制度和城市土地制度相互碰撞的地區(qū)。
In terms of policies in China, we propose to focus on farmers’ property rights, moving away from the dichotomy of urban land and rural land, and eventually, to a unified land system. There should be legal limits to land expropriation and eminent domain actions by local government. Fair and equitable compensation for expropriation would go a long way to redress grievances of farmers. From 1990 to 2010, local governments expropriated land at an estimated two trillion renminbi below the market value. Assuming that those 2 trillion would have generated returns similar to overall growth, farmers would have more than 5 trillion renminbi in household wealth by now.
就中國(guó)土地政策而言，我們提議把重點(diǎn)放在農(nóng)民的土地產(chǎn)權(quán)之上，從城鄉(xiāng)土地二元制度逐步轉(zhuǎn)向?qū)嵭薪y(tǒng)一的土地制度。應(yīng)從法律上限制地方政府的征地?cái)?shù)量和征地行為。公平公正的征地補(bǔ)償對(duì)處理農(nóng)民的申訴發(fā)揮巨大作用。1990年至2010年間，地方政府以低于市場(chǎng)價(jià)格征用的土地總金額約為人民幣2萬(wàn)億元。假設(shè)這2萬(wàn)億元以類(lèi)似于經(jīng)濟(jì)總增長(zhǎng)率的幅度產(chǎn)生收益，則到目前為止，農(nóng)戶(hù)家庭財(cái)產(chǎn)總值將超過(guò)5萬(wàn)億元。
Inequality is an issue that is hotly discussed worldwide these days, as evidenced by the global success of Thoma Piketty’s book on Capital in the 21st century. It is also an issue in China: some urban residents are registered with the city hukou, a household registration system, and have access to public services, but migrants are left out. Things have somewhat improved over the years, and many cities are striving to provide social services for those migrant workers, but access overall is still restricted. We argue in our report that the hukou system needs to be abolished over time and access to services should be based on residency, not origin.
不平等是全世界近來(lái)熱議的一個(gè)問(wèn)題，托馬斯·皮凱蒂所著《二十一世紀(jì)的資本》一書(shū)在全球的成功發(fā)行便印證了這一點(diǎn)。不平等也是中國(guó)的一個(gè)問(wèn)題：城市戶(hù)籍居民能夠獲得公共服務(wù)，但外來(lái)人口卻被排除在外。這些年來(lái)，情況有了一定好轉(zhuǎn)，很多城市努力為農(nóng)民工提供社會(huì)服務(wù)，但總體而言，服務(wù)可及性仍受到限制。我們?cè)趫?bào)告中提出，戶(hù)籍制度應(yīng)逐步廢除，服務(wù)應(yīng)按照常住地而非戶(hù)籍所在地提供。
Sustainable urbanization needs to redress environmental deficiencies, air pollution and the degradation of land and water. We find that, by and large, China has good laws and regulations, comparable to those of many OECD countries. At issue is implementation, the weak capacity of environmental agencies, the single-minded myopic future on economic growth, which only now is given way to a new emphasis on the quality of growth, of life. Administrative boundaries of cities and provinces are no longer adequate enough to deal with the environmental degradation that goes beyond those boundaries. Beijing will not be able to handle air pollution on its own, since pollution there is mainly caused by the neighbouring Hebei province, for example.
可持續(xù)城鎮(zhèn)化需要解決環(huán)境缺陷、空氣污染、土地和水資源退化等問(wèn)題。我們發(fā)現(xiàn)，中國(guó)有很好的環(huán)保法律法規(guī)，可以與許多經(jīng)合組織國(guó)家的法律法規(guī)相媲美。問(wèn)題在于執(zhí)行不力、環(huán)保部門(mén)能力薄弱以及單純追求經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的短視觀念。目前，這一觀念已開(kāi)始讓位于一種新的對(duì)增長(zhǎng)質(zhì)量和人民生活質(zhì)量的強(qiáng)調(diào)。以往的省市行政區(qū)劃已不再足以處理跨越行政區(qū)劃的環(huán)境退化問(wèn)題。例如，北京僅憑自身力量無(wú)法解決空氣污染問(wèn)題，因?yàn)橹饕奈廴驹丛谙噜彽暮颖笔 ?/div>
How is all this going to be financed? China’s fiscal system needs comprehensive reforms. With better and stronger land rights for farmers, cities will lose revenues from land conversion. Cities need new sources of revenue. Now is the time to empower cities to find new sources of revenue, through property taxes or local surcharges on income taxes. Environmental levies, such as higher motor vehicle licence fees, pollution charges and cost recovery on utilities, will raise revenues while addressing environmental problems at the same time.
解決上述種種問(wèn)題所需資金如何籌集？中國(guó)的財(cái)政制度需要進(jìn)行全面改革。隨著農(nóng)民土地權(quán)利的完善和加強(qiáng)，城市將失去土地出讓收入。城市需要新的收入來(lái)源。現(xiàn)在是賦權(quán)城市尋找新的收入來(lái)源的時(shí)候了，比如通過(guò)征收不動(dòng)產(chǎn)稅或所得稅地方附加費(fèi)。通過(guò)提高機(jī)動(dòng)車(chē)許可證費(fèi)、排污費(fèi)以及公用設(shè)施成本回收費(fèi)等環(huán)境稅費(fèi)，可以增加財(cái)政收入，同時(shí)還可以解決環(huán)境問(wèn)題。
To finance long-term investments in infrastructure, there needs to be reforms of the financial system at the city level. Local government financing vehicles need to be brought in to reduce debt levels. Cities in good financial standing should also be allowed to issue their own bonds.
要為基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施建設(shè)籌集長(zhǎng)期投資，就要改革城市一級(jí)的財(cái)政制度。需要引入地方政府籌資工具來(lái)降低地方債務(wù)水平。應(yīng)允許財(cái)政狀況良好的城市發(fā)行債券。
More efficient cities will yield major savings. At the current rate and without reforms, China’s cities will spend about $5 trillion on infrastructure over the next 15 years. In a reform scenario, China’s more efficient and denser cities may save some $1.4 trillion in infrastructure investments, more than enough to finance the expansion of health, education and low-income housing to cope with the influx of people. Shifting from the physical expansion of cities and infrastructure to delivering services to China’s citizens would truly be the people-oriented urbanization that is the ambition and aspiration of the third Plenary outcome from last November. And this is what we are proposing as well.
效率更高的城市可大大節(jié)省投資。從目前趨勢(shì)看，如不實(shí)行改革，中國(guó)城市今后十五年的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施支出將達(dá)5萬(wàn)億美元。如實(shí)行改革，效率更高、密度更大的中國(guó)城市可節(jié)省基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施投資約1.4萬(wàn)億美元，足以用于擴(kuò)大醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生和教育服務(wù)以及保障性住房規(guī)模，從而應(yīng)對(duì)人口的大量涌入。從擴(kuò)大城市空間和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施規(guī)模轉(zhuǎn)向?qū)χ袊?guó)城市居民提供服務(wù)，將是真正意義上的“以人為本”的城鎮(zhèn)化，這是去年11月召開(kāi)的十八屆三中全會(huì)確定的宏偉藍(lán)圖，也是我們所建議的內(nèi)容。
Thank you.
謝謝各位！
