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Spending has declined since then to around 0.3% of GDP. The IMF says the costs will be balanced over time by rising tax revenues as more migrants enter the labour force.
此后，支出下降至GDP的0.3%左右。國際貨幣基金組織（IMF）表示，隨著更多移民進入就業市場，稅收收入的增加將隨著時間的推移抵消這些成本。
Quick regularisation is helpful, as it brings down health-care costs as well as boosting the tax take. Many Latin Americans, especially Chileans, think migrants bring crime.
快速規范化是有幫助的，因為它可以降低醫療成本并增加稅收。許多拉丁美洲人，尤其是智利人，認為移民帶來了犯罪。
A study by Nicolas Ajzenman of McGill University and co-authors, which examined data from between 2008 and 2017,
麥吉爾大學的Nicolas Ajzenman及其合著者進行了一項研究，研究了2008年至2017年之間的數據，
found that when the proportion of migrants in a given part of Chile doubles, the share of people there who say crime is either their biggest or second-biggest concern jumps by 19 percentage points, relative to the nationwide mean of 36%.
發現當智利某個地區的移民比例翻倍時，認為犯罪是他們最大或第二大擔憂的人數比例上升了19個百分點，而全國平均水平為36%。
But they found no impact on crime of any sort. Colombia saw an increase in violent crime near the border in 2016, when migration was surging, but the victims tended to be Venezuelan, suggesting it is migrants who bear the risks.
但他們發現這對犯罪沒有任何影響。2016年，哥倫比亞邊境附近的暴力犯罪有所增加，當時移民人數激增，但受害者往往是委內瑞拉人，這表明移民承擔了風險。
Still, crime has risen overall in Chile in recent years. Politicians blame migrants.
盡管如此，近年來智利的犯罪率總體上有所上升。政客們將責任歸咎于移民。
The influx of black Haitians also "triggered much more evident racism", says Ignacio Eissmann of the Jesuit Migrant Service in Chile, an ngo. Attitudes are hardening elsewhere, too.
智利的非政府組織耶穌會移民服務中心的伊格納西奧·艾斯曼(Ignacio Eissmann)表示，黑人海地人的涌入也“引發了更加明顯的種族主義”。其他地方的態度也在變得強硬。
Between 2020 and 2023 the share of Costa Ricans who say migrants damage the country jumped by 15 percentage points to 65%.
2020年至2023年間，認為移民損害了該國的哥斯達黎加人比例上升了15個百分點，達到65%。
In Peru and Ecuador four in five people believe the same. Governments—most of which were welcoming initially—are reaching their limits.
在秘魯和厄瓜多爾，五分之四的人也持同樣的看法。政府——其中大多數最初都表示歡迎——已經達到了極限。
From 2018 Chile demanded that Venezuelans and Haitians must get a visa before coming. Peru and Ecuador started demanding the same of Venezuelans in 2019.
從2018年開始，智利要求委內瑞拉人和海地人在入境前必須獲得簽證。秘魯和厄瓜多爾從2019年開始對委內瑞拉人提出同樣的要求。
It is now nearly impossible for Venezuelans to get a visa at home; after Nicolas Maduro stole the election in July, all three countries closed their embassies there.
現在委內瑞拉人幾乎不可能在國內獲得簽證；在尼古拉斯·馬杜羅于7月竊取選舉后，這三個國家都關閉了駐委內瑞拉大使館。
Chile's leftist president, Gabriel Boric, says the country cannot take more migrants.
智利左翼總統加夫列爾·博里奇表示，該國無法接納更多移民。
Regularisation has stopped, and he is pushing to widen deportation powers.
移民身份合法化已經停止，他正在推動擴大驅逐權。
Peru's government has made it much harder for migrants to regularise their status.
秘魯政府讓移民身份合法化變得更加困難。
In theory migrant children can attend school regardless. In practice the missing paperwork often blocks them. Brazil and Colombia remain relatively generous.
理論上，移民兒童無論如何都可以上學。但實際上，缺少文件往往會阻礙他們上學。巴西和哥倫比亞仍然相對寬容。
Carlos Fernando Galan, the mayor of Bogota, says political leaders have a responsibility "to ensure there is not more xenophobia, to show the benefits that migration can bring". Yet angry voices are growing louder.
波哥大市長卡洛斯·費爾南多·加蘭（Carlos Fernando Galan）表示，政治領導人有責任“確保不再出現仇外情緒，展示移民可以帶來的好處”。然而，憤怒的聲音越來越大。
Almost 70% of Colombians think that migrants cause an increase in crime.
近70%的哥倫比亞人認為移民導致犯罪率上升。
That may be why Gustavo Petro, Colombia's president, has been slow to introduce new regularisation schemes for recent Venezuelan arrivals. (He recently announced a scheme so restrictive that few will benefit.)
這也許就是為什么哥倫比亞總統古斯塔沃·佩特羅遲遲沒有為最近抵達的委內瑞拉人推出新的合法化計劃。（他最近宣布了一項限制性極強的計劃，很少有人能從中受益。）
"The central government has gone backwards," sighs Gaby Arellano of the Together We Can Foundation, an ngo which helps Venezuelans.
“中央政府倒退了，”幫助委內瑞拉人的非政府組織Together We Can Foundation的Gaby Arellano嘆息道。
Mr Maduro's rule in Venezuela is becoming more despotic. Arrivals to Colombia have increased since July 2024, though official numbers are unreliable.
馬杜羅在委內瑞拉的統治越來越專制。自2024年7月以來，抵達哥倫比亞的人數有所增加，盡管官方數字不可靠。
The border is riddled with trochas (illegal crossings); at official crossings people are often waved through without a document check.
邊境充斥著trochas（非法過境）；在官方過境處，人們經常無需檢查證件就被放行。
Some say the Maduro regime's persistence makes little difference to migration.
有人說，馬杜羅政權的堅持對移民影響不大。
"Whoever comes will be manageable," says Jorge Acevedo, mayor of the border town of Cucuta.
“無論誰來，都是可以管理的，”邊境城鎮庫庫塔的市長豪爾赫·阿塞維多（Jorge Acevedo）說。
His words reflect Colombia's welcoming spirit, but his city is now dealing with an influx of Colombians displaced by violence in the nearby region of Catatumbo.
他的話反映了哥倫比亞歡迎移民，但他的城市現在正在應對因附近卡塔通博地區暴力事件而流離失所的哥倫比亞人的涌入。
More Venezuelans could break a strained system. Whoever comes, Colombia, Peru and the region, not the United States, will again feel the biggest impact.
更多的委內瑞拉人可能會打破緊張的體系。無論誰移民，哥倫比亞、秘魯和該地區而不是美國，都將再次受到最大影響。
