評論
打印
Rising crime has led some to avoid walking or driving around whole neighbourhoods.
不斷上升的犯罪率導致一些人盡量不在街上步行或者開車逛。
The question of what to do about drugs is especially controversial.
如何處理毒品的問題尤其有爭議。
The city has opened a supervised drug-injection centre in United Nations Plaza, just down the road from City Hall, contravening federal and state law.
該市在聯合國廣場開設了一家受監督的注射毒品中心，就在市政廳旁邊的那條路上，這違反了聯邦和州法律。
This has done nothing to change the open use and sale of drugs on the street, which Mr Boudin chose not to prioritise for prosecution.
這并沒有改變街頭公開使用和銷售毒品的行為，布丁選擇不優先起訴這一行為。
When your correspondent walked around the Tenderloin district for an hour from 11am, she counted more than 20 drug-dealers, recognisable in a “uniform” of black clothes and hats, with grey or black backpacks.
當記者從上午11點開始在田德隆區區走了一個小時后，她認出了20多個毒販，他們穿著黑色衣服和帽子，背著灰色或黑色的背包。
Being noticed did not seem to worry them, and there’s a reason.
他們似乎并不擔心被注意到，這是有原因的。
In 2021 Mr Boudin’s office managed only three convictions for drug-dealing, despite a record 711 overdose deaths the previous year.
2021年，布丁的辦公室只對三起毒品交易定罪，盡管前一年有創紀錄的711起過量致死案件。
His predecessor achieved 90 convictions for drug-dealing in 2018.
他的前任在2018年因毒品交易定罪90次。
Supporters felt Mr Boudin was a scapegoat for the city’s problems of homelessness, addiction and crime, which have been stirred by covid-19 but preceded it.
支持者認為，布丁是該市無家可歸、吸毒和犯罪等問題的替罪羊，這些問題是由新冠肺炎引發的，但在此之前就存在。
Recalls should be reserved for booting someone out of office after they commit a specific crime, they said.
他們說，罷免只適用于在某人犯下特定罪行后將其趕出辦公室的情況。
Yet Mr Boudin’s was the fifth recall election in California this year, including a successful vote against three school-board members who had refused to reopen schools while debating name changes for them, says Josh Spivak, an expert on recalls.
然而，罷免專家喬希·斯皮瓦克表示，布丁的罷免選舉是加州今年的第五次罷免選舉，包括成功投票反對三名學校董事會成員，這三名成員在為學校更名進行辯論時拒絕重新開學。
Some 60% of voters chose to give Mr Boudin the boot.
大約60%的選民選擇讓布丁下臺。
Asians, who account for more than a third of San Francisco’s population, were unhappy with his handling of several assaults.
亞裔占舊金山人口的三分之一以上，他們對他處理幾起襲擊事件的方式感到不滿。
Mr Boudin painted the recall as a partisan drive, but San Franciscans of all political persuasions supported it.
布丁將這次罷免描述為一場黨派運動，但舊金山所有政治派別的人都表示支持。
They will continue to argue over whether the city suffered due to his specific policies or plain incompetence.
他們將繼續爭論，究竟是他的具體政策造成了該市的損失，還是因為他的無能。
(The answer is probably both.)
(答案可能是兩者都有。)
And the story may not be over.
而且故事可能還沒有結束。
Mr Boudin may try to run again for his old job in November.
布丁可能會在11月再次競選他的舊職位。
The recall election has wider lessons.
罷免選舉有更廣泛的教訓。
First, it highlights the conflict within the Democratic Party that hampers functional government.
首先，它突顯了阻礙職能政府的民主黨內部矛盾。
In San Francisco Democrats have unilateral control, but progressives are butting heads with moderates, trying to cast them as closet Republicans.
在舊金山，民主黨人擁有單方面的控制權，但進步派與溫和派針鋒相對，試圖將他們塑造成秘密的共和黨人。
Recent redistricting conversations became “borderline violent”, says one observer.
一位觀察人士說，最近重新劃分選區的對話變得“近乎暴力”。
Sheriffs had to be called in.
警長們不得不被叫來。
This reflects a degradation of discourse that is occurring not just between parties but within them.
這反映出，不僅在政黨之間，而且在政黨內部，話語都在退化。
Second, it shows that voters are cooling on progressive policies, after seeing real-world consequences.
其次，它表明，選民在看到現實世界的后果后，對進步政策的態度開始冷淡。
There is pushback in other cities with progressive district attorneys, including Philadelphia and Los Angeles.
在其他城市，包括費城和洛杉磯，進步的地方檢察官也在抵制。
Calls to “defund the police” have shifted to “refunding”.
呼吁“撤資警察”的呼聲已經轉變為“退款”。
“The problem is, many progressive policies don’t appear to be very effective,” says Jonathan Weber, editor-in-chief of the San Francisco Standard, a news site.
新聞網站《舊金山標準報》的主編喬納森·韋伯說：“問題是，許多進步的政策似乎并不是十分有效。”
“I don’t think this is a blip,” Mr Weber predicts.
韋伯預測：“我不認為這是曇花一現。”
San Franciscans, known for their embrace of progressivism, may be turning towards moderation.
以擁護進步派而聞名的舊金山人可能正在轉向溫和派。
