Similar tactics are used to deter women from running for public office. In the run-up to elections in Iraq last year, two female candidates were humiliated with explicit videos, which they say were faked. One pulled out of the race. The types of image used to degrade women vary from place to place. In Myanmar, where antipathy towards Muslims is widespread, detractors of Aung San Suu Kyi, the country’s de facto leader, circulated a photo manipulated to show her wearing a hijab. By contrast in Iran, an Islamist theocracy, a woman was disqualified from taking the seat she had won when a photo, which she claims is doctored, leaked showing her without one.
類似的策略也被用來阻止女性競(jìng)選公職。在去年伊拉克大選的準(zhǔn)備階段，兩名女性候選人被用露骨的視頻羞辱，她們說這些視頻是偽造的。其中一人退出競(jìng)選。用來貶低女性的圖像類型因地而異。在對(duì)穆斯林普遍反感的緬甸，對(duì)該國實(shí)際領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人昂山素季的詆毀者傳播了一張偽造的照片，顯示她戴著頭巾。相比之下，在伊斯蘭教神權(quán)國家伊朗，一名婦女被剝奪了她所贏得的席位，因?yàn)橐粡埶暦Q是偽造的照片泄露了，顯示她沒有照片。
High-tech sexual slander has not replaced the old-fashioned sort, which remains rife wherever politicians and their propagandists can get away with it. In Russia, female dissidents are dubbed sexual deviants in pro-Kremlin media. In the Philippines, President Rodrigo Duterte has joked about showing a pornographic video of a female opponent, which she says is a fake, to the pope.
高科技的性誹謗并沒有取代老式的誹謗，在任何地方，只要政客和他們的宣傳者能夠逃脫懲罰，這種誹謗就會(huì)盛行。在俄羅斯，持不同政見者被親克里姆林宮的媒體稱為性變態(tài)。在菲律賓，總統(tǒng)羅德里戈···杜特爾特開玩笑說要向教皇展示一名女性對(duì)手的色情視頻，她說這是假的。
Stamping out the problem altogether will be impossible. Anyone can make a deepfake sex video, or hire someone to do it, for a pittance, and then distribute it anonymously. Politicians will inevitably be targets. Laws against libel or invasion of privacy may deter some abuses, but they are not much use when the perpetrator is unknown. Reputable tech firms will no doubt try to remove the most egregious content, but there will always be other platforms, some of them hosted by regimes that actively sow disinformation in the West.
徹底解決這個(gè)問題是不可能的。任何人都可以制作一段深度偽造的性愛視頻，或者雇人制作，然后匿名發(fā)布。政客將不可避免地成為目標(biāo)。反誹謗或侵犯隱私的法律可能會(huì)阻止一些侵權(quán)行為，但如果作惡者不明，這些法律就沒什么用了。有信譽(yù)的科技公司無疑會(huì)試圖刪除最惡劣的內(nèi)容，但總會(huì)有其他的平臺(tái)，其中一些是由政權(quán)托管的，這些政權(quán)積極地在西方散布虛假信息。
So the best defence against sexual lies is scepticism. People should assume that videos showing female politicians naked or having sex are probably bogus. Journalists should try harder to expose the peddlers of fake footage, rather than mindlessly linking to it. Some day, one hopes, voters may even decide that it is none of their business what public figures look like under their clothes, or which consenting adults they sleep with.
所以對(duì)性謊言最好的防御就是懷疑。人們應(yīng)該認(rèn)為，女性政客裸體或做愛的視頻可能是假的。記者們應(yīng)該更努力地揭露那些兜售假鏡頭的人，而不是盲目地去鏈接。有一天，公眾人物不穿衣服是什么樣子，或者他們與哪些自愿的成年人睡覺，選民們應(yīng)該認(rèn)為這些都與他們無關(guān)。
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