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時(shí)代周刊:特朗普總統(tǒng)不可一世的外交政策(5)

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Much of the slippage came on the domestic front,

大部分的“滑點(diǎn)”都發(fā)生在國(guó)內(nèi)方面,
with Trump lashing out more frequently and harshly at special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into his campaign’s contacts with Russian officials,
特朗普對(duì)特別檢察官羅伯特·穆勒針對(duì)其競(jìng)選團(tuán)隊(duì)與俄羅斯官員往來的調(diào)查展開了更為頻繁和嚴(yán)厲的抨擊,
demanding the deployment of National Guard troops to the border and announcing pardons with little input from the Justice Department or his staff.
他要求在邊境部署國(guó)民警衛(wèi)隊(duì),還在幾乎沒有司法部或其工作人員參與的情況下宣布赦免(已故前世界拳王杰克·約翰遜)。
But arguably the biggest breaks have come on foreign policy.
但可以說,最重大的破格行為還是特朗普在外交政策方面采取的舉措。
When Trump took office, the State Department sent a document to the White House
特朗普上任之際,國(guó)務(wù)院曾向白宮遞交一份文件,
predicting that dozens of U.S. embassies would be overrun with protesters if Trump decided to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital.
該文件預(yù)測(cè),如果特朗普決定承認(rèn)耶路撒冷為以色列首都,數(shù)十個(gè)美國(guó)大使館將被抗議者淹沒。
Tillerson stuck to that line so hard that around the West Wing he become known as the Doomsayer, according to a White House official.
據(jù)某白宮官員透露,蒂勒森無(wú)比堅(jiān)持這一看法,以至于他在白宮西翼多了個(gè)“末世論者”的名號(hào)。
The issue came to a head near the end of the year, when Trump pushed the case and Tillerson demurred.
年底將近之際,特朗普試圖推動(dòng)承認(rèn)耶路撒冷的地位的有關(guān)事宜,引發(fā)了蒂勒森的強(qiáng)烈反對(duì),此事由此發(fā)酵到了最為緊要的關(guān)頭。
Diplomats from Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia warned the White House
來自埃及、約旦和沙特的外交官紛紛警告白宮,
that their leaders would issue forceful objections if Trump went forward,
如果特朗普繼續(xù)執(zhí)迷不悟,他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人會(huì)發(fā)出強(qiáng)有力的反對(duì)意見,
citing fears that formally acknowledging Jerusalem would spark violent clashes over the ownership of a city
為此,他們提到,外界擔(dān)心,正式承認(rèn)耶路撒冷的首都地位將會(huì)引發(fā)圍繞該城市所有權(quán)的暴力沖突,
that has long been a lightning rod for religious and nationalist passions.
因?yàn)樵摮且恢币詠矶汲洚?dāng)著兩國(guó)宗教和民族主義激情的避雷針。

1

But on Dec.6, Trump announced that the embassy would move,

然而,12月6日,特朗普宣布,搬遷大使館之事已定,
and now many White House officials feel that the dire warnings were overblown.
現(xiàn)在,許多白宮官員都感覺,那些可怕的警告言過其實(shí)了。
The jockeying wasn’t done.
搬遷之事尚未落實(shí)。
Officials tried to stall the move.
官員們?cè)噲D阻止這一行動(dòng)。
At a rally on May 10 in Elkhart, Ind., Trump himself described one such attempt,
5月10日,在印第安納州埃爾克哈特的一次集會(huì)上,特朗普自己就描述了這樣的一次嘗試,
saying advisers told him it would cost $1 billion and take years to complete.
他說,顧問們告訴他,搬遷大使館需要耗資10億美元,還要耗時(shí)數(shù)年才能完成。
He said he called the U.S. Ambassador to Israel, David Friedman,
他則表示,他已經(jīng)給美國(guó)駐以色列大使大衛(wèi)·弗里德曼打過電話,
who told Trump he could move the embassy into an existing building in Jerusalem for $150,000.
弗里德曼告訴他,他可以將大使館遷入耶路撒冷的一棟現(xiàn)有建筑里,只需耗資15萬(wàn)美元。
“David, you can do that from $1 billion to $150,000. You know what? Spend $200,000 or $300,000—that’s O.K. too,” Trump said.
“大衛(wèi),15萬(wàn)美元到10億美元之間都可以。花個(gè)20萬(wàn),30萬(wàn)的都沒關(guān)系,”特朗普說。
Friedman’s move was largely symbolic:
很大程度上講,弗里德曼的舉動(dòng)都有著濃濃的象征意味:
he had a large stone plaque installed on an existing consular office and transferred some staff from the existing embassy in Tel Aviv to populate it.
他在現(xiàn)在的一間領(lǐng)事辦公室里放了一塊巨大的石匾,還從特拉維夫大使館調(diào)派了一些工作人員到那里工作。
By the time Trump walked away from the Iran deal,
特朗普退出伊朗核協(xié)議之際,
it was clear that the dam had broken during the previous five months and that a two-week period in early March had been particularly telling.
很明顯,過去5個(gè)月時(shí)間里,白宮官員們筑起的“大壩”已經(jīng)決堤,而3月初的兩周時(shí)間尤能說明這一問題。
On March 1, Trump announced new aluminum and steel tariffs on Europe and China.
3月1日,特朗普宣布對(duì)從歐洲和中國(guó)進(jìn)口的鋁和鋼鐵征收關(guān)稅。
On March 13, he replaced Tillerson with his hawkish CIA director, Mike Pompeo.
3月13日,他又任命鷹派的中央情報(bào)局局長(zhǎng)邁克·蓬佩奧接替蒂勒森執(zhí)掌國(guó)務(wù)院。
It was right in the middle of this period that a special envoy from South Korea arrived in Washington on March 8,
在這期間,韓國(guó)特使于3月8日抵達(dá)華盛頓,
with a message so urgent and sensitive, it needed to be delivered in person.
而他帶來的消息緊迫且敏感到必須親自傳達(dá)給特朗普。

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