The Obama White House was apoplectic.
奧巴馬政府對此大為光火。
But Trump wouldn’t cancel the meeting.
但特朗普不肯取消會面。
The sit-down with Abe initiated what would become Trump’s closest relationship with a world leader
與安倍的會談開啟了特朗普最親密的美國總統(tǒng)-世界領(lǐng)袖關(guān)系,
and set the tone for his engagement with Asian powers.
也為他與亞洲多個大國的接觸定下了基調(diào)。
Trump’s first year in office was marked by running battles between his instincts and his aides.
特朗普執(zhí)政的第一年,其本能與其助手就經(jīng)常出現(xiàn)沖突。
Some White House staffers appealed to the President’s gut,
部分白宮官員選擇了迎合總統(tǒng)的脾性,
while others tried to outmaneuver or wait out the President’s impulses.
另一些人則試圖戰(zhàn)勝總統(tǒng)的一時興起或是靜待其沖動自行消退。
In order to manage Trump’s behavior in briefings, for example, his second National Security Adviser, H.R. McMaster,
例如,為了約束特朗普在簡報會上的行為,二號國家安全顧問H·R·麥克馬斯特
began having aides prepare cards that answered four basic questions:
吩咐特朗普的助手們準(zhǔn)備了回答四大基本問題的卡片:
Why are we doing this? What will it cost? What are others paying or doing? And what happens next?
我們?yōu)槭裁匆@么做?這么做有什么代價?其他國家是怎么做的,他們又付出了多大代價?接下來會發(fā)生什么?
For a while, it worked.
這種方法也奏效了一段時間。
In the summer of 2017, Trump repeatedly demanded to know why the U.S. was still in Afghanistan after toppling the Taliban government in 2001,
2017年夏,特朗普多次要求了解2001年推翻塔利班政府后,美國繼續(xù)留在阿富汗的原因,
but ultimately agreed to boost troop levels there, in line with Establishment thinking.
然而,他最終還是選擇了與當(dāng)權(quán)派一致的考量,同意增加駐阿富汗的美軍兵力。

He groused in response to the litany of concerns voiced by aides about moving the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem,
特朗普的過渡班子為他上任第一天準(zhǔn)備的日程便是將美國駐以色列大使館遷到耶路撒冷,
which his transition staff had prepared for him to do on his first day in office.
此舉引發(fā)了總統(tǒng)助手們的諸多擔(dān)憂,特朗普對此頗有怨言。
But he deferred action on the move.
但他推遲了搬遷使館的時間。
He complained that bureaucrats were overstating the potential fallout of ditching the Iran nuclear deal,
他抱怨稱,官員們夸大了放棄伊朗核協(xié)議的潛在后果,
but put off pulling out of it as he had promised to do during the campaign.
但他還是違背了競選時許下的承諾,推遲了退出協(xié)議的時間。
When aides like Tillerson, Defense Secretary James Mattis and Trump’s former economic adviser Gary Cohn
蒂勒森、國防部長詹姆斯·馬蒂斯和前經(jīng)濟顧問加里·科恩等助手
succeeded in suppressing his instincts, it came at a cost.
成功地壓制住了他隨性而為的沖動,但也付出了代價。
Trump railed against his Cabinet secretaries and staff.
特朗普內(nèi)閣多位部長和工作人員都受到了他的責(zé)罵。
The Iran deal was a source of particular frustration.
伊朗協(xié)議尤其令人沮喪。
Thanks to the checks Republicans placed on the deal when Obama signed it,
多虧共和黨人在奧巴馬簽署協(xié)議時留有后手,
Trump was required every three months to certify that Iran was complying with the agreement.
特朗普需要每三個月核實一次伊朗是否遵守了協(xié)議。
Advisers predicted that European markets would tank if Trump didn’t.
顧問們曾預(yù)測,如果特朗普不核實,歐洲市場恐會崩潰。
Feeling boxed in, the President demanded other options.
感覺到手腳被束縛的總統(tǒng)便提出采取其他辦法。
In July 2017, with another three-month certification looming, Trump’s national-security staff had none to offer.
2017年7月,每三月一次的核實時間即將到來,國家安全部門的工作人員卻沒能拿出任何替代方案。
Trump exploded.
特朗普爆發(fā)了。
“This is never f-cking happening again,” he said, according to two people familiar with the meeting.
據(jù)兩名知情人士透露,他表示,“TMD,下不為例。”
Against this backdrop, the President shook up his inner circle,
在此形勢下,總統(tǒng)對他的核心圈子進行了大刀闊斧的整頓,
firing chief of staff Reince Priebus and replacing him with Homeland Security boss John Kelly.
他解雇了雷恩斯·普里巴斯,任命國土安全部部長約翰·凱利接替了普里巴斯的白宮辦公廳主任之職。
In exchange for imposing discipline, the retired Marine general demanded tight control over the White House decision-making process.
為整頓紀(jì)律,這位前海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊上將要求對白宮的決策過程實行嚴(yán)格的控制。
For a while, Kelly’s guardrails constrained Trump.
然而,凱利的護欄只對特朗普起到了片刻的約束作用。
But over time they, too, have failed.
隨著時間的推移,這些護欄也失敗了。