A more complex political landscape puts both of these conventions in doubt. The top lot in the parliament is now, as before, the European People’s Party (EPP), a group consisting mainly of Christian Democrat parties. But the EPP won only 24% of the seats, which hardly justifies an exclusive claim to lead the commission. And the Rubik’s routine cannot hope to capture the variety of political families and regional patterns in today’s Europe. Even if a token southerner were appointed, for example, the difference between a candidate from pro-European Spain and one from Eurosceptic Italy might be vast. If Christian Democrats, Social Democrats and Liberals all get to run things, the only slightly smaller Greens will understandably object. The cube has too many dimensions.
更復雜的政治環境使這兩項公約都受到質疑。和以前一樣，歐洲議會的突出團體是歐洲人民黨(EPP)，這是一個主要由基督教民主黨組成的團體。但是歐洲人民黨只贏得了24%的席位，這很難成為領導歐盟委員會的唯一理由。而魔方的套路也不可能捕捉到當今歐洲政治家族和地區格局的多樣性。例如，即使一個象征性的南方人被任命，親歐洲的西班牙和疑歐的意大利的候選人之間的差異也可能是巨大的。如果基督教民主黨、社會民主黨和自由主義者都能掌控局面，那么只有規模稍小的綠黨會反對，這是可以理解的。這個魔方的尺寸太大了。
Perhaps that is just as well. For now, more than ever, Europe’s leaders should be concentrating instead on getting the right people for the job. President Donald Trump has questioned the transatlantic alliance, tariff wars threaten Europe’s prosperity, turmoil on its borders challenges its security, digital giants from China and America are dwarfing its firms, and economic storm clouds are once again gathering above the euro zone. Leading a more fragmented Europe through these difficulties—let alone reasserting its interests and relevance in the world—will require seasoned leadership.
也許這樣也好。目前，歐洲領導人比以往任何時候都更應該集中精力尋找合適的人選。美國總統唐納德•特朗普對跨大西洋聯盟提出了質疑，關稅戰爭威脅著歐洲的繁榮，邊境動蕩挑戰著歐洲的安全，來自中國和美國的數字巨頭讓美國公司相形見絀，歐元區上空再次籠罩著經濟風暴的陰云。領導一個更加分裂的歐洲度過這些困難，還有重申歐洲在世界上的利益和相關性，將需要經驗豐富的領導。
The EU may not get it. Manfred Weber, the EPP’s candidate for the commission, has no executive experience and, judging by his association with Hungary’s authoritarian government, poor judgment. If he falls short, leaders may offer the ECB presidency to another German, Jens Weidmann, a banker with über-hawkish views, to ensure that a German gets at least one of the top jobs. But that should not be a given. In a more meritocratic EU the commission presidency might go to Margrethe Vestager, the dynamic (Danish) competition commissioner. Antonio Costa of Portugal, Leo Varadkar of Ireland or even Mrs Merkel, all skilled compromise brokers, might lead the council. At the ECB, a moderate like Finland’s Olli Rehn would be better than Mr Weidmann.
歐盟可能不會明白這一點。歐洲人民黨委員會候選人曼弗雷德•韋伯沒有行政經驗，從他與匈牙利威權政府的關系判斷，他的判斷力很差。如果達不到要求，領導人可能會把歐洲央行行長職位交給另一位德國人延斯•魏德曼擔任，以確保德國人至少能獲得一份最高職位。魏德曼是一位銀行家，持有極端鷹派的觀點。但這不應該是理所當然的。在一個更加精英化的歐盟，歐盟委員會主席一職可能會交給充滿活力的(丹麥)競爭事務專員瑪格麗特•維斯特格。葡萄牙的安東尼奧·科斯塔、愛爾蘭的里奧·瓦拉德卡爾、甚至默克爾夫人，都是老練的妥協經紀人，可能會領導委員會。在歐洲央行，像芬蘭的奧利•雷恩這樣的溫和派會比魏德曼做得更好。
True meritocracy is improbable, alas. National egos and power politics will always require some horse-trading. But as much as possible, the EU should focus on substance. From the eurozone and migration crises to the Brexit vote, the EU has had several brushes with mortality in recent years. More are doubtless to come. Its big jobs matter. Placeholders should not apply.
唉，真正的賢能統治是不可能的。國家的自負和強權政治總是需要一些討價還價。但歐盟應盡可能關注實質內容。從歐元區危機和移民危機，到英國退歐公投，歐盟近年來已數次與死亡擦肩而過。毫無疑問，未來還會有更多。歐盟的大塊任務很重要。不應該讓占位符在最高職位。
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