評(píng)論
打印
King did not craft this conclusion from thin air. This was a lesson learned from experience.
這個(gè)結(jié)論并非金憑空捏造而來，而是真真切切的教訓(xùn)。
The brutality of the South and the hypocrisy of the country
南方的殘暴和這個(gè)國家的虛偽
led him to conclude that the view of racial equality as a charitable enterprise distorted the principles of democracy itself
使他總結(jié)出了，種族平等是一項(xiàng)慈善事業(yè)這一觀念不僅歪曲了民主原則，
and disfigured the moral character of those who believed the lie.
也損壞了那些相信了這一謊言的人的道德品質(zhì)。
Nearly a year after his refusal to leave his bed, in August 1967,
1967年8月，在他拒絕下床將近一年之后，
King stated plainly "that the vast majority of white Americans are racists, either consciously or unconsciously."
金明確指出：“絕大多數(shù)美國白人都是種族主義者，不管是有意識(shí)還是無意識(shí)的。”
Eight months later, he would lie dead on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel.
就在他發(fā)表這一言論的八個(gè)月后，他就將死在洛林汽車旅館的陽臺(tái)上。
MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. has been dead for 50 years now, and over this half-century his bones have been picked clean.
如今，馬丁·路德·金已經(jīng)離世50年了，在過去的半個(gè)世紀(jì)里，他的名聲已經(jīng)被洗得干干凈凈。
Conservatives invoke his name in defense of their vision of a color-blind society.
保守派用他的名字為他們對(duì)色盲人群的愿景辯護(hù)。
Liberals use him to authenticate their own politics.
自由主義者用他來驗(yàn)證他們自己的政治觀點(diǎn)。
Black politicians yoke his legacy to their own ambitions.
黑人政治家們也將他的遺產(chǎn)和自己的野心綁定在一起。
In so many ways, King's life has been reduced to the lead character in a fable the nation tells itself about "the movement,"
從很多方面來看，馬丁路德金的生命都已經(jīng)淪為了某個(gè)傳說的主角這一個(gè)形象，那是這個(gè)國家不斷講給自己的人民聽的一個(gè)關(guān)于“黑人民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)”的傳說，
which begins with Brown v. Board of Education in 1954 and culminates with the 1963 March on Washington or in Selma in 1965.
那場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)爆發(fā)于1954年的布朗訴教育委員會(huì)案，到1963年華盛頓游行或1965年塞爾瑪游行達(dá)到高潮。
It is a neat tale with Southern villains, heightened drama, tragic deaths and heroic triumph.
這是一個(gè)情節(jié)并不復(fù)雜的故事，講述了南方的惡棍、夸張的戲劇、悲劇性的死亡和英雄的勝利。
It does not mention King's depression.
對(duì)金的抑郁卻只字未提。
It does not reckon with what he told the Rev.D.E.King, that his work "has been in vain. The whole thing will have to be done away."
金博士對(duì)D.E.金神父的傾訴，說自己的努力“全都白費(fèi)了。整個(gè)體系都必須取締。”的話也沒有提及。
Instead, it enlists King in fortifying the illusion of this nation's inherent goodness.
相反，它將金塑造成了一個(gè)強(qiáng)化這個(gè)國家擁有與生俱來的美德這一假象的形象。
It coddles the country from a damning reality.
繼續(xù)縱容著這個(gè)現(xiàn)實(shí)已經(jīng)如此糟糕的國家。
A genuine reckoning with the murdered preacher reveals a different story.
對(duì)這位被殺害的牧師進(jìn)行誠實(shí)的考量卻揭示了一個(gè)不同的故事。
In 1967 at Stanford University, as he toured the nation trying to rally support for what would become his Poor People's Campaign,
1967年在斯坦福大學(xué)時(shí)，當(dāng)時(shí)他正奔波于全國各地，試圖為后來的“窮人運(yùn)動(dòng)”爭(zhēng)取民意，
King offered this assessment of the movement and the challenges ahead:
金就對(duì)這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)及其未來的挑戰(zhàn)做出了如下評(píng)價(jià)：
"(W)e must see that the struggle today is much more difficult.
“我們必須看到，今天的斗爭(zhēng)要困難得多。
It's more difficult today because we are struggling now for genuine equality .
今天之所以更加困難，是因?yàn)槲覀兪窃跒檎嬲钠降榷窢?zhēng)。
(N)egroes generally live in worse slums today than 20 or 25 years ago.
今天的黑人生活的貧民窟還不如20-25年前的。
In the North, schools are more segregated today than they were in 1954 .
在北方，今天的學(xué)校的種族隔離問題比1954年的還要嚴(yán)重。
(T)he unemployment rate among whites at one time was about the same as the unemployment rate among Negroes.
曾經(jīng)，白人的失業(yè)率和黑人的失業(yè)率差不多。
But today the unemployment rate among Negroes is twice that of whites.
如今，黑人的失業(yè)率已經(jīng)變成了白人失業(yè)率的兩倍。
And the average income of the Negro is today 50% less than whites."
平均收入?yún)s只有白人的一半。”
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