評論
打印
As Britain approaches a crucial vote on whether to leave or remain in the EU, there is no doubt about how far-reaching the consequences could be for future generations. While some may be reluctant to be drawn into the debate, I believe the stakes are simply too high to remain silent.
決定英國在歐盟(EU)中去留的關鍵性投票日益臨近，毫無疑問，投票結果將對我們的后代產生深遠影響。雖然有些人或許不愿卷入這場爭論，但我認為，保持沉默將讓我們付出難以承受的代價。
Whether the question is seen as an economic one, centring on what Britain gets out of being in Europe, or whether it is the more profound issue of how to maintain security and strength in an increasingly uncertain world, the case is more compelling than it has ever been.
不論這一問題被視為經濟問題（核心是英國留在歐盟可以得到什么），抑或是更深層次的問題（如何在一個日益不確定的世界中維護安全與實力），這一事件比以往任何時候都更為引人注目。
Britain already has the best of all possible deals with Europe. It has access to the single market, where nearly half of UK exports go, while it is not weighed down by the burden of being a member of the eurozone.
英國早已與歐洲達成了所有可能達成的最好交易。英國可以進入歐洲單一市場（后者是近一半英國出口的目的地），卻不必承受作為歐元區成員國的重擔。
Earlier this month, almost 200 countries came together to agree how best to safeguard the future of the planet in the fight against climate change. As with many such agreements, it is far from perfect — but this illustrates the issue at the heart of the Europe debate: by working together, countries can achieve so much more than they can achieve alone.
本月早些時候，近200個國家齊聚一堂，為的是達成一項協議——在應對氣候變化進程中如何才能最好地保護地球的未來。同許多此類協議一樣，這項協議遠非完美，但它闡明了處于歐洲爭論核心的問題：通過合作，各國能夠實現比單打獨斗多得多的成就。
The managements of multinationals that have built up their manufacturing capacity in Britain as a spring board into the single market are reluctant to say so publicly because they do not want to get embroiled in a political debate where their customers have divergent views. But ask them privately, as I have, and they will readily confirm it.
已經在英國逐步形成制造能力并將其作為進入歐洲單一市場跳板的跨國公司的管理層不愿公開這么說，因為他們不想卷入一場自己的客戶存在意見分歧的政治爭論。但當我私下問他們時，他們很樂意承認自己的想法。
The Leave campaign has tried to convince the British public that it is safer to stay out of the single market than to be part of it. It has had the field to itself because the government wants to give the impression that it is holding out for the best deal from the EU. Taking advantage of these constraints, the Leave campaign has deliberately misled the public.
“脫離歐盟”(Leave)運動試圖說服英國公眾，處于單一市場之外比成為其中一部分讓英國更安全。這種觀點有自己的市場，因為英國政府想給人們留下為了堅持最有利的協議而不肯向歐盟妥協的印象。利用這些限制，“脫離歐盟”運動故意誤導了公眾。
My pro-European views on the British referendum have been greatly influenced by my personal experiences. The year when the Nazis marched into Hungary, 1944, was the formative experience of my life. If my father had not secured false identities for his family, my chances of survival would have been rather slim.
我的個人經歷極大地影響了自己在此次英國公投中的親歐盟立場。納粹1944年進軍匈牙利的歲月給我的生命留下了難以磨滅的記憶。如果我父親沒有為家人弄到假身份的話，我活下來的機會將相當渺茫。
The main lesson I learnt from my father is that it is better to confront harsh reality than to close your eyes to it. Having survived the war, I moved to England in 1947, again under my father’s guidance. It was while at the London School of Economics that I read Karl Popper’s book, Open Society and Its Enemies. I came to see what became the EU as the embodiment of the open society and became its life-long supporter.
我從父親那里學到的主要經驗是：與其裝作看不見，不如直面殘酷的現實。作為二戰的幸存者，我于1947年搬到了英格蘭（同樣也是在父親的指導下）。正是在倫敦政治經濟學院(London School of Economics)期間，我讀到了卡爾波普(Karl Popper)的《開放社會及其敵人》(Open Society and Its Enemies)一書。我一路見證作為開放社會化身的歐盟誕生，并成為歐盟終生的支持者。
That does not mean that I have closed my eyes to its weaknesses and shortcomings. On the contrary, I recognise them completely. Europe cannot afford to be complacent about its security, and neither can Britain.
這并不意味著我對歐盟的弱點與缺陷視而不見。相反，我完全承認它們的存在。歐洲不能對自身的安全沾沾自喜，英國也不能。
It would be a strategic mistake of epic proportions to underestimate the ambitions and the intent of President Vladimir Putin’s Russia. Europe’s leaders may comprehend the scale of this threat, but so far their response has been characterised more by confusion than by coherence. They must understand that, until their energy dependency is addressed, Russia will not be afraid to use its petro-power to threaten both eastern and western Europe.
低估弗拉基米爾渠京(Vladimir Putin)總統統治下俄羅斯的野心和意圖將會犯下歷史性的戰略錯誤。歐洲領導人或許理解這一威脅的嚴重性，但迄今，他們做出的反應更多地表現為混亂，而非連貫一致。他們必須明白，在解決能源依賴問題之前，俄羅斯將不憚于使用本國的石油權力威脅東歐和西歐。
Today Europe is under attack on many fronts. If Britain were to leave, Europe would be fighting for its very survival. Those of us who feel passionately have an obligation to make our voices heard, and argue more confidently that Britain is stronger, safer and better off in the EU than it would be out on its own.
如今，歐盟在多條戰線都遭到了攻擊。如果英國決意離開，歐盟將為自身的生存而戰。我們這些對歐盟懷有強烈感情的人有責任發出自己的聲音，更自信地主張：比起脫離歐盟單打獨斗，留在歐盟的英國會更強大、更安全、更富裕。
The EU is imperfect but it is preferable to a Europe dominated by Mr Putin’s Russia. Europe’s very imperfection is the reason we must endeavour to improve it.
歐盟并不完美，但它強于一個由普京的俄羅斯主導的歐洲。歐洲的不完美恰恰是我們必須努力改進它的原因。
The British public did not share my wartime experiences but I am enough of an Anglophile to believe that it has sufficient historical memory to take the same position as I do. I find reading the British press encouraging in this respect: it seems fully aware of the danger emanating from Russia. I strongly support Britain staying in the EU, not only for economic but even more for political reasons.
英國公眾并未有過我在戰時的經歷，但我是個十足的“親英派”，我相信英國人的歷史記憶足以讓他們秉持與我同樣的立場。我發現閱讀英國媒體在這方面令人鼓舞：英國媒體似乎完全意識到了來自俄羅斯的危險。我強烈支持英國留在歐盟，不僅出于經濟原因，而更多地是出于政治原因。
