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然而，未來的歷史學(xué)家在回顧對德國統(tǒng)一的消極反應(yīng)時(shí)，可能會比當(dāng)時(shí)的大多數(shù)評論家?guī)в懈嗟耐楦小?990年2月2日的一份內(nèi)部備忘錄上記載，關(guān)于西德認(rèn)為如果兩德統(tǒng)一是在歐洲融合加深的情況下完成就不會構(gòu)成戰(zhàn)略威脅的立場，撒切爾做出了一個(gè)明智的評價(jià)。她寫道：“強(qiáng)化歐洲共同體解決不了問題。德國的雄心將會成為主導(dǎo)的、積極的因素?！?/span>
There are rather a large number of people in southern Europe today – and perhaps also in Paris – who would acknowledge that here, too, Thatcher was right. Only last year the Italian prime minister complained of being treated as if Italy was in a “semicolonial” relationship with Germany.
今天的南歐甚至是巴黎都有很多人承認(rèn)，撒切爾在上述問題上是正確的。就在去年，意大利總理還抱怨意大利與德國的關(guān)系就像一種“半殖民”的關(guān)系。
Like many great leaders, Margaret Thatcher has come to be more respected abroad than she ever was at home. Left-leaning Brits who opposed her during the 1980s find it especially hard to admit that she was mostly right and they were wrong.
與很多偉大的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人一樣，瑪格麗特•撒切爾在海外受到的敬重要多于在國內(nèi)。上世紀(jì)八十年代反對她的左傾的英國人發(fā)現(xiàn)，要承認(rèn)她大部分時(shí)候都是正確的、而他們自己是錯(cuò)誤的，確實(shí)很難。
The writer is Laurence A. Tisch professor of history at Harvard
本文作者是美國哈佛大學(xué)勞倫斯•A•蒂什(Laurence A. Tisch)歷史學(xué)教授
