評論
打印
If the Trump administration's America is the bully of the global trading system,
如果特朗普政府領導下的美國是全球貿易體系的惡霸，
the European Union is the finger-wagging school prefect.
那么歐盟就是指手畫腳的學校學長。
Instead of threatening tariffs, its leaders have called for countries to play fairly.
其領導人沒有威脅要征收關稅，而是呼吁各國公平競爭。
As a trade war has raged between America and China, the EU suggested a rules-based solution.
隨著美國和中國貿易戰爭愈演愈烈，歐盟提出了一個基于規則的解決方案。
When the Trump administration wrecked the system of solving disputes at the World Trade Organisation (WTO),
當特朗普政府破壞了WTO的爭端解決機制時，
the EU led the search for a fix. As the world's biggest exporter of services and second only to China for goods,
歐盟帶頭尋找解決辦法。作為世界上最大的服務出口國和僅次于中國的商品出口國，
it has a sizeable stake in preserving order.
歐盟在維持秩序方面有相當大的利害關系。
Enter Phil Hogan, the EU's burly trade commissioner since December 2019.
自2019年12月起擔任歐盟貿易專員的菲爾·霍根登場了。
The EU is still a stickler for rules and the multilateralism that Mr Hogan says is "in our DNA". But he wants to wield a bigger stick.
歐盟仍然堅持規則和多邊主義，霍根稱多邊主義“存在于我們的DNA中”。但他想展現出歐盟更大的威力。
"We have to stand up for our rights more assertively and aggressively, in my view," he tells The Economist.
他告訴《經濟學人》，“在我看來，我們必須更堅定、更積極地捍衛我們的權利。”
By this he means defending the EU against unfair trading practices.
他的意思是保護歐盟免受不公平貿易行為的侵害。
The challenges range from concerns about China's state-led system of capitalism
這些挑戰包括對中國政府主導的資本主義制度的擔憂，
to fears that the EU's trading partners are not living up to their commitments.
以及對歐盟貿易伙伴沒有兌現承諾的擔憂。
Part of his brief involves continuing efforts to rescue the system by which the WTO solves disputes.
他的部分職責包括繼續努力拯救世貿組織解決爭端的體系。
Meanwhile he will have to manage the tense transatlantic relationship.
與此同時，他將不得不處理緊張的跨大西洋關系。
If the job was not daunting enough, he will help negotiate what he hopes will be an "amicable" trade deal with Britain.
如果不夠艱巨，他還將幫助與英國談判，以達成他所希望的“友好”貿易協議。
Mr Hogan's reputation as a canny politician willing to make tough decisions—
作為一位精明的政治家，霍根愿意做出艱難決定的名聲——
his nickname in Irish politics was "the enforcer"— suggests that he may be right for the job.
他在愛爾蘭政界的綽號是“執法者”——意味著他或許很適合這個工作。
On behalf of his home county of Kilkenny, where he entered Irish politics at the age of 22, he haggled effectively
在22歲時進入愛爾蘭政壇的他代表家鄉基爾肯尼郡進行了有效的爭論
(for example, ensuring that the region's salt depot was in Kilkenny, partly so that in case of ice the local roads would be salted first).
（例如，確保該地區的鹽庫位于基爾肯尼，部分原因是為了道路結冰時，當地的道路將首先獲得鹽）。
He is "no flat tyre", as one Leinster admirer puts it. Later he drew controversy when in 2011,
正如一位倫斯特省的仰慕者所言，他“沒有泄氣”。后來他在2011年引發爭議，
as Ireland's Minister for Environment, Community and Local Government,
當時他是愛爾蘭環境、社區和地方政府部長，
he was put in charge of introducing unpopular water charges. It damaged his reputation.
負責引入不受歡迎的水費收取政策。這損害了他的名聲。
But as a consolation prize, the Irish government backed him as the EU's agriculture commissioner.
但作為安慰獎，愛爾蘭政府支持他擔任歐盟農業專員。
His experience over the following five years meant that he became intimately acquainted with the EU's most sensitive spots.
在接下來的五年里，他的經歷意味著他對歐盟最敏感的地方了如指掌。
Alongside Cecilia Malmstrom, then the EU's trade commissioner, he boasts of concluding no fewer than 15 trade agreements.
他夸耀自己與時任歐盟貿易專員塞西莉亞·馬爾姆斯特羅姆一道，達成了不少于15項貿易協定。
According to some of the negotiators who were on the opposite side of the table,
據坐在談判桌另一邊的一些談判員所說，
while he could be both charming and funny, his strategies to avoid giving concessions could be deeply frustrating.
雖然他即迷人又風趣，但他避免讓步的策略可能會讓人非常挫敗。
In some cases, he simply declined to show up.
在一些談判中，他干脆拒絕出席。
譯文由可可原創，僅供學習交流使用，未經許可請勿轉載。
