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Mr Trump's trade agenda could hardly be more different.
特朗普的貿易議程可能完全不同。
His "America First" rhetoric, threats of tariffs on allies and of withdrawal from the WTO,
他的“美國優先”策略、對盟國施加關稅和退出WTO的威脅
and policies of blocking appointments to the WTO's court and using tariffs as a national-security tool,
以及對WTO法庭約定的阻礙以及將關稅用作是一種國家安全工具，
are inimical to an even-handed system that all can support.
都對一種所有國家都可以支持的公平體制懷有敵意。
Even if these policies turn out to be temporary, the uncertainty they cause may be permanent.
即便這些政策是暫時的，它們所引發的不確定性可能是永久性的。
Some of the USMCA's provisions go beyond even those of the TPP, for example its rules on the movement of data across borders.
USMCA中的一些規定遠超TPP中的規定，例如，其對跨邊界數據移動的規定。
And the USTR's objectives for talks with Japan, published on December 21st, are similar to those in the USMCA.
USTR于12月21日發布的和日本會談的目標和USMCA中的那些相似。
But the fear is that, having all but abandoned the aim of broad trade liberalisation,
但人們擔心除了拋棄廣泛貿易自由化的目標，
America may prioritise quick, shallow deals rather than deeper ones that would strengthen global trade governance.
美國或許會給迅速膚淺的協議提供優先權，而怠慢那些能夠鞏固世界貿易管理的深入協議。
The complex "rules of origin" that feature in preferential deals are also worrying.
那些以特惠協議為特征的復雜的“原產地規則”也令人擔憂。
These specify the minimum share of a product that must originate in the parties to a deal if it is to qualify for reduced duties.
這些協議規定一種產品的最小份額必須產自當事國所達成為協議才有資格享受減征關稅。
They thus allow trade negotiators to shape supply chains and manage production.
因此，他們讓貿易談判代表制定供應鏈并管理生產。
And one study found that compliance costs amounted to 3-5% of the final product price, offsetting the deal's benefits.
并且一項研究發現稅務執行費用總計為最終產品價格的3-5%，抵消了協議的收益。
The Trump administration has sought to use such rules to reshape car production in North America, tightening them by several notches in the USMCA.
特朗普政府尋求利用這種規則重新制定北美的汽車生產，通過USMCA中的幾個等級加強對他們的控制。
As well as restricting trade, rather than liberalising it, they will make it tricky to agree more permissive rules of origin for cars in future trade deals.
和限制貿易一樣，他們不會將其自由化，而是讓它變得棘手從而無法在以后的汽車貿易協議中實施更加寬松的原產地規則。
It will soon become clear how ambitious America wants to be.
很快就能知道美國有多么的野心勃勃。
A deal with China that limited industrial subsidies, long a bugbear of other countries, could yet be baked into the multilateral system.
和中國的一項協議限制了工業補貼，這是長期困擾其他國家的一個難題，而這項協議可能會被納入多邊體制中。
One with Japan could set some useful standards and precedents.
和日本的一項協議可以設立一些有效的標準和判例。
Mr Trump may decide to blow up the multilateral system and impose tariffs on America's allies.
特朗普可能決定要摧毀多邊體系并對美國的盟友施加關稅。
Even if he does not, success on his terms could cause longlasting damage.
即使他不這么做，成功連任可能會導致持久破壞。
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