評論
打印
Mexico's growing crisis
墨西哥日益增長的犯罪率
Reforms and democracy, but no rule of law
改革和民主，但是沒有法治
To save a promising presidency, Enrique Peaa Nieto must tackle crime and corruption
拯救一個有希望的總統，恩里克·培尼亞·涅托必須解決犯罪和腐敗
DURING two years in office Mexico's president, Enrique Peaa Nieto, has received sharply contrasting reviews at home and abroad. Foreigners, including The Economist, have praised his structural reforms of the economy, which include an historic measure to open up energy to private investment. Yet polls show that most Mexicans dislike Mr Peaa. Among other things, they blame his government for a squeeze on living standards and the interlinked problems of violent crime and corruption. Sadly, recent events have lent support to Mr Peaa's domestic critics.
在墨西哥總統恩里克·培尼亞·涅托執政的兩年間，國內外評論出現收到了大幅度的對比。國外評論，包括經濟學人在內，贊揚他的經濟結構改革,其中便包括一個歷史性措施—開放私人投資能源。然而，民意調查顯示,大多數墨西哥人不喜歡佩尼亞。除了其他事情之外,他們指責政府壓榨其生活水平并且與暴力犯罪和腐敗問題聯系在一起。可悲的是，最近發生的事件無疑不是贊同其國內對于佩尼亞的指責。
On November 8th Mexico's attorney-general announced what almost everyone had already concluded: that 43 students from a teacher-training college in the southern state of Guerrero, who disappeared in the town of Iguala in late September, had been murdered by drug-traffickers after being kidnapped by the local police on the orders of the town's mayor. Guerrero has been Mexico's most violent state for centuries. The federal government bears no direct responsibility for these events. But Mexicans see in them a symbol of the failure of Mr Peaa's administration to make security a priority.
11月8日，墨西哥總檢察長宣布了一個早已被眾人所知的結論：43個來自南部的格雷羅州的師范學院學生，在9月下旬消失在伊瓜拉市（Iguala），已經確定是在當地市長的指令下被當地警察綁架后被交給毒販，并已遭到謀殺。幾個世紀以來，格雷羅州一直是墨西哥最暴力的地區。聯邦政府對這些事件并沒有直接責任。但墨西哥人把這件事視為培尼亞執政中“優先考慮安全”的失敗的象征。
Now comes a problem that is uncomfortably close to home. The government had already opted to cancel a contract for a high-speed train that it had hastily awarded to the sole bidder, a consortium of Chinese and Mexican companies including a construction firm from the president's home state. A local journalist has revealed that the boss of the same firm owns a mansion that is the Peaa family's private residence. The president denies any wrongdoing, but a common thread runs through these events.
現在最大的問題是人們在家附近也不能有安全感。政府已經決定取消與匆忙中決定的唯一投標人的高速列車合同，,中國和墨西哥公司組成的一個聯合財團，包括一家來自總統的家鄉的建筑公司。當地記者透露，該公司的老板擁有價值$7m的屬于佩納家族的私人住宅的豪宅。總統否認有任何不當行為,但這些事件貫穿了一條共同的主線。
Mexico only became a democracy in 2000, when seven decades of rule by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), the political machine that raised Mr Peaa, were ended by electoral defeat. Unfortunately, democracy did not bring the rule of law to Mexico. Too many in the PRI still see the job of the police and the courts as enforcing political control, rather than investigating mobsters. Corrupt politicians are protected rather than punished. Organised crime and graft both remain a part of everyday life, and neither has been helped by the drugs flowing north to the United States.
墨西哥僅在2000年實行過民主政策，七年的統治的革命制度黨(PRI)，提高了亨利的政治機構，減少了其選舉失敗的可能性。不幸的是，民主不會給墨西哥帶來法治。大部分的革命制度黨人仍然看到警察和法院在執行工作以便達到政治控制的效果，而不是在調查暴徒。腐敗的政客們受到的是保護,而不是懲罰。有組織犯罪和腐敗都仍然是日常生活的一部分，同時也促使了藥物從北流向美國。
Some things have changed. The Supreme Court now operates professionally. A 41,000-strong federal police force is more capable than most of its local counterparts. Felipe Calderón, Mr Peaa's predecessor, weakened the drugs gangs, but at the price of a surging murder rate and unchecked abuses by the security forces. On paper, Mr Peaa has a grand crime-prevention strategy. However his real efforts have been focused on the economy. The murder rate may have fallen back slightly, but extortion and kidnappings have not. Tycoons practise espionage and bribe judges. For many Mexicans, Iguala was a reminder of the gap between justice for the poor and for the rich.
有些事改變了。最高法院現在開始進行專業的操作。而41000個強壯的聯邦警察部隊比大多數當地同行更有能力。前任總統卡爾﹒德龍削弱了毒品團伙，但不斷飆升的謀殺率和無節制的濫用安全部隊等現象依舊存在。名義上，培尼亞有一個宏偉的犯罪預防策略。然而，他真正努力的方向始終集中在經濟上。謀殺率可能略有回落,但敲詐勒索和綁架率仍居高不下。大亨們從事間諜工作并且賄賂法官。對于大部分墨西哥人而言，伊瓜拉就是一個提醒窮人與富人間司法差距的典型。
How to end impunity
如何結束有罪不罰
Mr Peaa's people rightly say that the rule of law cannot be imposed in Mexico overnight. But that is no excuse for inaction today. Iguala is not the only town where criminals run the police: in such places, the federal government should take temporary control of the police and administration. Mr Peaa should lead an effort to clean up state police forces and local courts. A bill to make the attorney-general's office independent and to create an anti-corruption agency should be fast-tracked. Federalism in Mexico needs change, too: states and municipalities raise almost no funds of their own and are not held to account for their spending. It is an indictment of all three main political parties that the elements in Mr Peaa's reform pact to make politicians accountable have yet to be approved.
培尼亞派人公正的說,不能強求墨西哥的法治一夜之間有所改變。但是，這并不是不采取行動的理由。伊瓜拉并不是唯一一個警察與罪犯勾結的城市，在這些地方,聯邦政府應采取使用臨時的警察并且加強政府的控制。培尼亞應該努力清理國家警察部隊和地方法院。一項法案使總檢察長辦公室獨立且創建一個反腐機構，這些應該會很快就能見效。同時，墨西哥的聯邦制也應該改變。州和市政當局籌集的幾乎沒有其自己的資金，且政府應該不承擔為他們支出的責任。在培尼亞的改革條例中有一個對于三個主要政黨的公訴，而主要負責的政客們還尚未同意。
However impressive Mr Peaa's economic reforms, Mexico will never manage to achieve its considerable potential without an honest, efficient criminal-justice system. Its democracy will lose legitimacy if its politicians continue to tolerate graft. Mr Peaa's domestic critics say that he is a skin-deep moderniser, steeped in his party's bad old ways. Now is the time for him to prove them wrong.
然而培尼亞令人印象深刻的經濟改革，墨西哥永遠設法實現其巨大的潛在的不誠實,高效的刑事司法系統。如果政客們繼續容忍貪污其民主將失去合法。培尼亞的國內批評人士說，培尼亞是一個膚淺的現代主義者，沉浸在他的政黨的懷舊方式。現在是時候讓他證明他們是錯誤的了。翻譯：楊靄琳
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