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That would help explain why more Democratic states, where strong teachers' unions were among those insisting that physical schools must stay closed, tended to see greater drops in pupil performance.
這有助于解釋為什么民主黨州學生成績下降幅度更大，因為這些州有強大的教師工會，他們堅持認為實體學校必須停課。
The overall state averages mask some variations. Virginia and Maine, which Kamala Harris won by six and seven points respectively, saw some of the steepest declines in NAEP scores.
各州的總體平均水平掩蓋了一些差異。弗吉尼亞州和緬因州的NAEP分數下降幅度最大，卡瑪拉·哈里斯分別以6個百分點和7個百分點的優勢獲勝。
Yet some states Donald Trump won by more than 20 points—including Nebraska and Oklahoma—also witnessed dramatic declines.
然而，唐納德·特朗普以20多個百分點優勢獲勝的一些州（包括內布拉斯加州和俄克拉荷馬州）也出現了大幅下降。
Nor did a state's learning losses necessarily change the underlying strength or weakness of its school system.
一個州的學習損失也不一定會改變其學校系統的根本優勢或劣勢。
States with strong schools emerged upright from the crisis, despite their pandemic-related declines.
盡管疫情導致學校成績下降，但學校實力雄厚的州還是從危機中走出來。
Weak school systems in the deep South and elsewhere remained weak.
美國南部等地區薄弱的學校系統仍然很弱。
This explains why wealthier, well-educated Democratic strongholds like Massachusetts and New Jersey have remained among the country's top-ranked states, despite the drop in scores their pupils have suffered.
這就解釋了為什么馬薩諸塞州和新澤西州等富裕、受過良好教育的民主黨據點，盡管學生成績下降，但仍位居全國排名前列。
If states' partisan and school-closure policies show a sometimes patchwork trend, poverty rates correlate clearly with poor performance.
如果各州的黨派和學校停課政策有時呈現出不連貫的趨勢，那么貧困率與糟糕的成績表現顯然相關。
Post-pandemic learning loss has been greater in poorer schools, particularly those that had remote instruction for longer.
疫情過后，貧困學校的學習損失更大，尤其是那些遠程教學時間較長的學校。
As a practical matter, it was harder to keep teachers, parents and pupils safe from contagion in densely packed neighbourhoods of the Bronx than it was in rural Wyoming, with its small population and ample space.
從實際情況來看，在人口密集的布朗克斯區，要讓教師、家長和學生免受感染，比在人口稀少、空間充足的懷俄明州農村地區要困難得多。
Chronic absenteeism is now easing somewhat, but for most pupils who have spent prolonged periods away from the classroom, simply turning up again will not be enough.
長期曠課現象現在有所緩解，但對于大多數長期缺課的學生來說，僅僅重新回到課堂是不夠的。
In the wake of the pandemic the federal government doled out some $190 billion to help pupils recover, giving school districts broad discretion over how to spend the funds.
在疫情之后，聯邦政府撥款約1900億美元幫助學生復學，讓學區在如何使用這些資金方面擁有廣泛的自由裁量權。
Districts that invested in academic catch-up—such as intensive tutoring in small groups—recovered better than those that funnelled relief money into capital improvements.
投資于學業補習（如小組強化輔導）的學區比將救濟金用于資本改善的學區恢復得更好。
Thomas Kane of Harvard University, who has led research on the issue, argues that schools that remained closed for longer
哈佛大學的托馬斯·凱恩(Thomas Kane)主導了這一問題的研究，他認為停課時間較長的學校
"had more of an obligation to spend the federal money on academic catch-up…and they didn't", choosing instead to improve buildings.
“更有責任將聯邦資金用于補習……但它們沒有這樣做”，而是選擇改善校舍。
Federal covid-relief funds have now mostly dried up. Mr Kane argues that states should direct what funds they have to pupil services like tutoring.
聯邦疫情救濟資金現已基本用完。凱恩認為，各州應該將現有資金用于輔導等學生服務。
Yet this won't happen if officials do not acknowledge the problem. In Maine, the state's department of education cast doubt on the reliability of NAEP results.
然而，前提是官員承認這個問題。在緬因州，該州教育部門對NAEP結果的可靠性表示懷疑。
In Illinois, where eighth-grade maths scores fell by six points, the superintendent of education framed the outcome as a victory,
在伊利諾伊州，八年級數學成績下降了6分，該州教育局長卻將這一結果描述為一場勝利，
declaring that the results give "students, educators, and families cause to celebrate".
并宣稱“學生、教育工作者和家庭值得慶祝”這些成績。
