評論
打印
The graffiti are still visible. Walls shout: "Death to the police!" Bus shelters demand: "No more private pensions!"
涂鴉仍然清晰可見。墻上高喊：“警察去死！”公交候車亭要求：“不再有私人養(yǎng)老金！”
Yet the occasionally violent social upheavalthat rocked Chile from 2019 to 2022 is past.
然而，2019年至2022年震撼智利的偶爾發(fā)生暴力的社會動亂已經(jīng)過去。
And the radical left-wing movement it propelled to power is now unpopular, having discovered that governing is harder than protesting.
它推動上臺的激進左翼運動現(xiàn)在不受歡迎，因為他們發(fā)現(xiàn)治理比抗議更難。
Chileans are fed up with extremism and yearn for moderation and common sense, argues Evelyn Matthei, the mayor of Providencia, a posh part of Santiago, the capital.
智利首都圣地亞哥高檔地區(qū)普羅維登西亞的市長伊芙琳·馬賽（Evelyn Matthei）認(rèn)為，智利人已經(jīng)厭倦了極端主義，渴望溫和與常識。
Polls suggest that in the election next year, voters will replace Gabriel Boric, a leftist firebrand who cannot seek re-election, with a bastion of the right.
民調(diào)顯示，在明年的選舉中，選民將用右翼堡壘取代無法連任的左翼激進分子加夫列爾·博里奇。
Many expected that to be José Antonio Kast, an ultraconservative who scooped up 44% of the vote when he came second to Mr Boric last time.
許多人預(yù)計那將是何塞·安東尼奧·卡斯特，他是一名極端保守派，上次在選舉中僅次于博里奇，獲得了44%的選票。
Instead the more centrist Ms Matthei has emerged as the front-runner. The contrast between Mr Boric and Ms Matthei is striking.
相反，更中立的馬賽女士成為了領(lǐng)跑者。博里奇先生和馬賽女士之間的對比是驚人的。
He sports ornate tattoos and made his name as a student leader. He was elected in 2021, at only 35, following large protests against inequality.
他身上有華麗的紋身，并以學(xué)生領(lǐng)袖而聞名。在大規(guī)模抗議不平等之后，他在2021年當(dāng)選，當(dāng)時年僅35歲。
As president, he has proved less radical than the movement from which he sprang.
作為總統(tǒng)，他證明自己沒有他所發(fā)起的運動那么激進。
And he deserves credit for his full-throated condemnation of the electoral fraud in Venezuela, a test most leftists in the region have failed.
值得稱贊的是，他全力譴責(zé)了委內(nèi)瑞拉的選舉舞弊，這是該地區(qū)大多數(shù)左派人士未能通過的考驗。
But he backed a utopian and barely intelligible draft constitution, which would have defined Chile as a "plurinational, inter-cultural, regional and ecological" state, banned for-profit universities and granted rights to nature.
但他支持一項烏托邦式的、幾乎難以理解的憲法草案，該草案將把智利定義為一個“多民族、跨文化、區(qū)域和生態(tài)”國家，禁止?fàn)I利性大學(xué)并賦予自然權(quán)利。
Voters roundly rejected the draft in 2022, and shot down another effort from hardline conservatives.
選民在2022年全面否決了該草案，并否決了強硬派保守派的另一項提案。
Ms Matthei, a former labour minister, is nearly twice Mr Boric's age, dresses conservatively and talks about productivity and public order.
前勞工部長馬賽女士的年齡幾乎是博里奇先生的兩倍，她著裝保守，談?wù)撋a(chǎn)力和公共秩序。
This goes down well in a country where growth has stagnated and the homicide rate hit a record of 6.7 per 100,000 people in 2022, nearly double what it was a decade ago.
在一個經(jīng)濟增長停滯、兇殺率在2022年達到每10萬人6.7起的創(chuàng)紀(jì)錄水平、幾乎是十年前的兩倍的國家，這種做法很受歡迎。
Murders are rare by Latin American standards, and have fallen since 2022, but Chileans are scared.
按照拉丁美洲的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，謀殺案很少見，自2022年以來有所下降，但智利人很害怕。
In a poll in November, 51% said tackling crime should be the government's priority. Only 6% said inequality should be.
在11月的一項民調(diào)中，51%的人表示打擊犯罪應(yīng)該是政府的首要任務(wù)。只有6%的人認(rèn)為應(yīng)該解決不平等問題。
A recent poll has Ms Matthei handily beating possible opponents on the centre-left: she bests the interior minister, Carolina Tohá, by 61% to 26%,
最近的一項民調(diào)顯示，馬賽女士輕松擊敗了中左翼的潛在對手：她以61%對26%的優(yōu)勢擊敗了內(nèi)政部長卡羅琳娜·托哈（Carolina Tohá），
and a former president, Michelle Bachelet (a childhood friend to whom she lost the presidential race in 2013), by 54% to 38%.
并以54%對38%的優(yōu)勢擊敗了前總統(tǒng)米歇爾·巴切萊特（她是馬賽的兒時好友，2013年馬賽在總統(tǒng)競選中敗給了巴切萊特）。
Ms Matthei also thumps her main opponent on the right, Mr Kast, by 61% to 21%. Mr Boric has promised to get tougher on crime.
馬賽也以61%對21%的優(yōu)勢擊敗了右翼的主要對手卡斯特。博里奇承諾將加大打擊犯罪的力度。
But many Chileans still associate him with the excesses of the protest movement, and Ms Matthei is keen to encourage this.
但許多智利人仍將他與抗議運動的過度行為聯(lián)系在一起，馬賽也熱衷于鼓勵這種做法。
"The left wanted to weaken the police, almost to get rid of them," she told The Economistin an interview in her office.
“左翼希望削弱警察，幾乎是擺脫他們，”她在辦公室接受《經(jīng)濟學(xué)人》采訪時表示。
Some 70% of Chileans think a surge in immigration has made crime worse.
大約70%的智利人認(rèn)為移民激增加劇了犯罪。
"We've let in all these foreigners and they steal and steal and you have to look around you all the time," says Lucy García, an off-duty cleaner, clutching her bag to her chest in a shopping centre in Santiago.
“我們讓所有這些外國人進入，他們偷竊，你必須時刻注意周圍，”圣地亞哥一家購物中心的下班清潔工露西·加西亞(Lucy García)將包緊緊抱在胸前說道。
The vast majority of immigrants are law-abiding, notes Andrés Velasco, a former finance minister.
前財政部長安德烈斯·貝拉斯科(Andrés Velasco)指出，絕大多數(shù)移民都是守法的。
But their numbers have risen dramatically: the foreign-born share of Chile's population of 20m jumped from 1% in 2006 to almost 9% in 2022.
但他們的人數(shù)急劇上升：智利2000萬人口中外國出生人口的比例從2006年的1%躍升至2022年的近9%。
The recent influx included gangs from Venezuela, where the economy has collapsed under a leftist dictatorship.
最近涌入的移民包括來自委內(nèi)瑞拉的幫派，委內(nèi)瑞拉的經(jīng)濟在左翼獨裁統(tǒng)治下崩潰。
"Chile never really had gangs before," says Mr Velasco. "Now we have them settling scores with machineguns."
貝拉斯科先生說：“智利以前從未有過幫派，現(xiàn)在他們用機關(guān)槍來算賬。”
