A paper by researchers at Oxford University, published on May 14th, finds that nearly one in five of those working in essential care-related occupations are immigrants. In all, a little more than half of EU migrants now classed as key workers would not have qualified for a work visa under the new dispensation. Using a different definition of key worker (the category is blurry), the Institute for Public Policy Research, a think-tank, finds that 71% of such migrants would have been excluded.
牛津大學的研究人員在5月14日發表的一篇論文中發現，在從事與基本護理相關的職業的人中，近五分之一是移民。總之，現在被列為關鍵工人的歐盟移民中，略超過一半的人在新的制度下沒有資格獲得工作簽證。智庫“公共政策研究所”對于關鍵工人采用了不同的定義，發現這樣的移民中有71%被排除在外。
In one sense, the pandemic takes the pressure off. A deep recession should limit the need to import low-paid workers, since there will be a large pool of unemployed domestic labour. Yet farms are flying in workers from Romania, suggesting that Britons on their uppers might hesitate before taking back-breaking or low-paid jobs.
從某種意義上來說，疫情減輕了壓力。嚴重的經濟衰退應該限制引入低薪工人的需求，因為國內會存在大量的失業勞動力。然而農場卻使用飛機將羅馬尼亞的工人接進來，這表明手頭拮據的英國人對從事艱苦或低薪的工作感到猶豫。
The political argument for a restrictive regime is weakening. Voters were warming to immigration even before they voted to leave the EU and thereby restrict it. The scandal in 2018 over the government’s shoddy treatment of the Windrush generation of Caribbean migrants illustrated that, if the public senses injustice, crackdowns can prove as politically perilous as liberal approaches. A survey in March by Ipsosmori, a pollster, found that the overwhelming majority of voters want the number of migrants coming to Britain to work in care homes to stay the same or rise. Since the pandemic and its associated recession will significantly reduce overall immigration anyway,MsPatel can afford to be a little more generous.
關于嚴格制度的政治爭論正在減弱。選民們甚至在投票退出歐盟從而限制移民之前就開始對移民問題趨之若鶩。政府在2018年對于加勒比海地區移民中的“疾風世代”進行了不公對待，該丑聞說明如果民眾覺察到了不公，那么鎮壓可能會像開明的政策一樣在政治上頗具風險。民調機構益普索3月的一項調查發現，絕大多數選民希望來英國養老院工作的移民人數保持不變或上升。因為疫情及其引發的經濟衰退會大大減少整體的移民數量，帕特爾女士可以做的更加大方一點。
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