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After Parkland, President Trump offered a grab bag of solutions:
帕克蘭槍擊案后，特朗普總統提出了一系列的解決方案：
strengthen background checks, ban bump stocks, arm teachers.
加強背景調查，禁止炒股，武裝教師。
Congress passed no new laws.
但國會并未通過任何新法。
The prospect of political changes that might end our ongoing nightmare looks no better this time.
政府通過政治變革結束這一無休無止的噩夢的前景比之前也強不到哪里去。
Texas Governor Greg Abbott, a Republican and staunch gun-rights advocate,
德克薩斯州州長格雷格·阿博特——共和黨人，同時也是一位堅定的槍支權利倡導者——
prayed with the families who had lost loved ones and promised action.
與失去親人的家庭一起祈禱，還承諾他不會袖手旁觀。
"This will never happen again in Texas," he said.
他說：“堅決杜絕德州再次發生這類事情。”
By Sunday, the focus was on designing schools with fewer entrances and exits.
一直到周日，政府都計劃將重點放在設計出入口更少的新學校上。
COMMUNITIES REACT DIFFERENTLY to these tragedies.
民眾對這些悲劇的反應也是各式各樣。
In suburban Parkland, students ignited a national conversation around gun violence, helping to push legislation in Florida and beyond.
在帕克蘭郊區，學生們圍繞槍支暴力問題發起了一場全國性的大討論，促使包括佛羅里達州在內的多個地區先后推出了相關的立法舉措。
Oregon expanded a law banning those convicted of stalking or domestic violence from owning guns.
俄勒岡州也進一步拓寬了禁止犯有跟蹤罪或家暴罪的人擁有槍支的法律規定。
Florida, Maryland and Vermont joined Rhode Island, Connecticut, California, Oregon, Washington and Indiana in establishing "red flag" policies,
佛羅里達州、馬里蘭州和佛蒙特州攜手羅德島州、康涅狄格州、加利福尼亞州、俄勒岡州、華盛頓州和印第安納州制定了“紅旗”（作警示危險信號之用）政策，
giving law enforcement the power to confiscate guns from people who make threats of violence online or in person.
該政策規定，執法部門有權沒收在網上或當面威脅動武之人的槍支。
In Santa Fe, the largely rural community's reaction was more muted.
在以農村居民為主的圣達菲，人們的反應則溫和一些。
Students and their parents, on the whole, stopped short of demanding stricter gun-control laws.
總體來看，這里的學生及其家長都沒有要求政府實行更加嚴明的槍支管理法律。
But in the nearest large city, Houston police chief Art Acevedo echoed the Parkland kids' calls for action.
但在距離圣達菲最近的大城市休斯頓，警察局長阿特·阿塞韋多響應了帕克蘭兒童要求采取行動的呼吁。
National polls show that roughly two-thirds of Americans believe there should be tighter gun restrictions.
全國性的民調顯示，大約三分之二的美國人都認為應該加強槍支管制。
A Quinnipiac University poll from February broke down that support by proposal:
昆尼皮亞克大學今年2月份的一項民意調查通過他們的提議打破了這一數據：
97% of Americans support universal background checks;
97%的美國人都支持普遍實行背景調查；
83% support mandatory waiting periods for firearm purchases; 67% support an assault-weapon ban.
83%的人支持強制設置購槍等待期；67%的人支持禁止攻擊性武器的禁令。
But the politics are tricky, and in the world of lobbying, there's plenty of money in intransigence.
問題是，這方面的政治水很深，而且，在游說的世界里，不妥協還頗有錢途。
Two weeks before the shooting at Santa Fe High School, Trump addressed the annual convention of the National Rifle Association.
距離圣菲高中槍擊案發生還有兩周時，特朗普曾在全國步槍協會的年度大會上發表講話。
Your Second Amendment rights are under siege, he told the crowd,
“第二修正案保障給你們的權利已經陷入了重圍，”他對人群說，
"but they will never, ever be under siege as long as I'm your President."
“但只要我還是你們的總統，你們的權利就絕不會再次面臨這一問題。”
Will we ever wake from this ongoing horror?
我們真的就從這場無休無止的驚魂之夢中醒不過來了嗎？
The story of the Santa Fe shooting seemed to end the same way it always does,
圣達菲槍擊案的結尾和以往槍擊案的結尾似乎并無不同——
with the inevitable candlelit vigil and the images of tear-streaked teenagers burying their faces in their friends' necks.
一樣是在燭光中守夜，一樣是青少年淚眼婆娑地把臉埋在朋友肩上的畫面。
There was no dramatic climax, no indication that this time things will change.
沒有戲劇性的高潮，也沒有跡象表明這一次情況會有所改變。
By May 21, most of the TV trucks had left the school parking lot.
到5月21日，大部分電視卡車都已經離開了學校的停車場。
The teddy bears and drugstore bouquets piled on the school lawn had begun to wilt in the Texas sun.
在德克薩斯州驕陽的照耀下，堆積在學校草坪上的泰迪熊和從藥店買來的花束也都開始變得無精打采。
All that was left was the haunting certainty that we will live through this again soon.
唯一剩下的便是不久之后我們肯定還會再次陷入這一噩夢的念頭在腦海里揮之不去。
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