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Earlier this month, he warned Iran against launching three spacecraft,
本月早些時候，龐培還警告伊朗不要發(fā)射那三枚航天器，
describing them as a pretext for testing missile technology that is necessary to carry a warhead to the United States and other nations.
稱該動作不過是伊朗測試向美國及其他國家發(fā)射可攜帶核彈頭導彈的技術(shù)的借口。
His statement appeared aimed at building a legal case for diplomatic, military or covert action against the Iranian missile program.
他的這一說法似乎旨在將針對伊朗的導彈計劃展開外交、軍事或秘密行動納入司法范疇。
It was surprising because Iran has used these modest space missions, mostly to deploy satellites, since 2005.
但這一說法還是讓人有些意外，因為自2005年以來，伊朗的這些規(guī)模不大的太空任務的主要用途其實是部署衛(wèi)星。
The senior American official said that the Pentagon and the intelligence agencies
上文提到的高級官員還說，五角大樓和情報機構(gòu)
disagreed with Mr. Pompeo’s interpretation of the threat posed by the satellite launches.
并不同意龐培所謂的衛(wèi)星發(fā)射對美國構(gòu)成了威脅的解讀。
Speaking on Sunday on CBS’s “Face the Nation” during a visit to Abu Dhabi, in the United Arab Emirates,
周日，龐培在阿聯(lián)酋首都阿布扎比接受哥倫比亞廣播公司《面對國家》節(jié)目采訪時表示，
Mr. Pompeo discounted the argument that Mr. Trump’s decision to withdraw 2,000 American troops from Syria in the coming months
對于特朗普未來幾個月內(nèi)從敘利亞撤軍2000人的決定
undercuts Washington’s ability to achieve its other goals in the region.
會削弱華盛頓在該地區(qū)實現(xiàn)其他目標的能力這一說法，他并不完全相信。
“That certainly includes in Syria,” he said. “It certainly includes into Iran, if need be.”
“該地區(qū)當然包括在敘利亞了，”他說。“有必要的話，當然也包括伊朗。”
But Mr. Pompeo also opposed the idea of an airstrike on Iran after its attack on the embassy,
但據(jù)一名前政府高級官員透露，
according to a former senior administration official.
龐培也反對博爾頓提出的在伊朗襲擊美國大使館后空襲伊朗的想法。
On Sunday, he declined to comment about The Journal’s report.
但周日接受《華爾街日報》采訪時龐培拒絕就此事表態(tài)。
On each stop of his Middle East trip, Mr. Pompeo, a former Army officer, has spoken of the need to counter Iran, but has not talked of military action.
曾經(jīng)當過軍隊指揮的龐培在其中東之行的每一站都談到了對抗伊朗的必要性，但并沒有談到具體的軍事行動。
When Mr. McMaster, then a three-star Army general, took over as national security adviser in early 2017,
2017年初，當時還是三星中將的麥克馬斯特接任國家安全顧問之職時，
he ordered a new overall war plan for Iran.
曾下令制定了一套全新的對伊作戰(zhàn)計劃。
Mr. Mattis, who is himself an Iran hawk from his days as a Marine Corps commander in the region, delivered options.
負責執(zhí)行相關(guān)方案的是從擔任海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊駐該地區(qū)指揮官時起在伊朗問題方面就已經(jīng)持鷹派態(tài)度的馬蒂斯。
But those plans were not for the kind of pinpoint strikes that Mr. Bolton envisioned after the attack on the American Embassy on Sept. 6.
但那些計劃并不是為了實行9月6日美國大使館遇襲后博爾頓設想的那種精確打擊。
On the Sunday following the attack, the senior American official said,
襲擊發(fā)生后的那個周日，這名高級官員說，
Mr. Bolton’s deputy at the time, Mira Ricardel, convened an emergency meeting of national security aides to Mr. Trump,
博爾頓當時的助手米拉·里卡德爾曾召集特朗普的國家安全助理們召開了一場緊急會議，
called a deputies committee meeting, and asked for retaliatory options.
會議名稱為“助理委員會議”，要求對伊朗采取報復措施。
On Sept. 11, the White House said in a statement,
9月11日，白宮在一份聲明中說到，
“The United States will hold the regime in Tehran accountable for any attack
“凡襲擊傷害了我方民眾或破壞了我方政府機構(gòu)時，
that results in injury to our personnel or damage to United States government facilities.
我方必將追究德黑蘭政權(quán)的責任。
America will respond swiftly and decisively in defense of American lives.”
屆時，我方政府將迅速果斷地行動起來，捍衛(wèi)我國人民的生命。”
What happened next illustrates Mr. Bolton’s management style.
接下來發(fā)生的事情就體現(xiàn)了博爾頓的管理風格。
As the president’s national security adviser,
作為總統(tǒng)的國家安全顧問，
he has largely eliminated the internal policy debates that could air high-level disagreements.
他在很大程度上制止了政府內(nèi)部原本可能引發(fā)高層之間的分歧的政策方面的爭論。
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