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To critics, all these theories are no more than window dressing for a racist system
對批評者們而言，所有這些理論不過是種族主義制度的粉飾門面，
that intimidates, imprisons and kills black people indiscriminately in order to make white people feel safe.
為了讓白人感到安全，他們不分青紅皂白地恐嚇、監禁和殺害黑人。
Since the 1960s, "law and order" has been a coded political slogan, a fear-based appeal to galvanize white voters.
20世紀60年代以來，“法律與秩序”就一直是一個暗藏的政治口號，一直是一種基于恐懼的訴求，為的是激勵白人選民。
"There is a consensus that the war on drugs of the 1980s and '90s destroyed communities, disproportionately impacted people of color,
“人們一致認為，80年代和90年代的禁毒戰爭不僅摧毀了眾多社區，給有色人種造成了嚴重的影響，
ballooned the criminal-justice system and the prisons, and exacerbated poverty and inequality in our country, "
讓刑事司法系統和監獄變得人滿為患，還加劇了我國的貧困問題和不平等問題。
says Todd Cox, director of policy for the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund.
“全國有色人種協進會”法律辯護和教育基金政策主任托德·考克斯說到。
By turning the Justice Department away from civil rights and toward harsh enforcement, Sessions embodies what many see as the institutional racism of the Trump Administration.
將司法部的事務從民權轉向嚴厲執法的塞申斯代表著許多人眼中特朗普政府的那種制度性種族主義。
He has taken the racially coded messages that served as dogwhistles during the campaign and operationalized them into policy.
他不僅接受了競選期間充當狗哨（政治術語）的種族主義信息，還將它們納入了實際的政策。
The conviction among his critics that Sessions is racist has sometimes led them to overreach.
批評人士中間那種堅信塞申斯是種族主義分子的信念有時也會導致這些人貪功致敗。
In February, a Democratic Senator and the American Civil Liberties Union blasted him for referring to the "Anglo-American heritage of law enforcement" in a speech.
今年2月，一名民主黨參議員和美國公民自由聯盟因為塞申斯在一次演講中提到了“英美執法傳統”這一說法便對他進行了抨擊。
It was a factual description, one Obama had used on many occasions.
然而，這一說法不過是種事實性描述，奧巴馬也曾在多個場合下使用過這一說法。
But in explaining it to me, Sessions couldn't resist a detour into cultural stereotypes.
不過，在向我解釋該問題的時候，塞申斯還是未能避免陷入文化成見。
"I believe the American legal system, which clearly developed out of England, is a wonder of the world,
“我相信，美國的司法體系，這一司法體系明顯根植于英國的司法體系，稱得上是世界的一大奇跡，
and it's based on the fact that lady justice is blindfolded," he said.
這一司法體系也是建立在正義女神被蒙住了眼睛這一事實基礎之上的，”他說。
"When you go and travel like I have—to Kosovo, to Afghanistan, to Iraq--where we've invested huge amounts of money and effort to export our legal system to a culture that's totally unfamiliar with it,
當你和我一樣，去過科索沃，阿富汗和伊拉克——我們為了往他們那種對司法體系完全陌生的文化輸出我們的司法體系投入了大量的人力物力的地方，
it doesn't work.
你就知道，這一套行不通。
It's because it requires a degree of trust and respect, education and maybe even a cultural predisposition.
因為要對他們輸入我們的司法體系，還需要一定程度的信任，尊重，教育，甚至是文化傾向性。
Sessions contends that the policies he champions help minority communities by cleaning up their neighborhoods.
塞申斯認為，他倡導的政策是有功于弱勢群體社區的，因為他的政策讓那些社區變得更加有序了。
"If you do the map of your city and you've got five times the murders in a minority neighborhood, do you just go away?"
“如果你畫一張你所在城市的地圖，結果發現弱勢群體社區發生謀殺案的概率是其他地區的五倍，你是直接搬走呢？”
he asked me, eyes narrowed.
他瞇著眼睛向我問到。
"Or do you prosecute the criminals who are committing the murders?
還是起訴那些犯下了謀殺罪的兇手呢？
That's the fundamental answer.
這才是最基本的答案。
And the other thing is, you think the mothers who've got children, the older people who are afraid to walk to the grocery store—
還有就是，你覺得，那些拖著孩子的母親，那些連街都不敢上的老人，
shouldn't they be free just like they are in the elite part of town? "
他們難道不應該像精英社區那些人一樣自由自在嗎？”
Sessions leaned over the plastic airplane table.
塞申斯靠在飛機上的塑料桌上。
"Whose side are you on?" he asked.
“你會站在哪一邊？”他問。
"I'm on the victims' side, and overwhelmingly the victims are minorities.
“反正我是站在受害人一邊的，而我們絕大多數的受害者都是弱勢群體。
The prosecution of certain minorities for murder, the victim is overwhelmingly another African American or Hispanic.
某些弱勢群體被指控犯有謀殺罪的案件中，受害者也十有八九是他們的非裔或者拉丁裔同胞。
It occurs within their own communities."
那些謀殺案其實就發生在他們自己社區內部。”
譯文由可可原創，僅供學習交流使用，未經許可請勿轉載。
