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Yet the country raised just $30 billion for its rebuilding effort,
然而，伊拉克只籌到了300億美元的重建資金，
perhaps because governments are waiting to see if al-Abadi will be re-elected in May.
或許是因為各國政府都想看阿巴迪5月能否再次勝選。
The U.S. favors the Western-educated al-Abadi.
美國是支持受過西方教育的阿巴迪的。
But his powerful opponents inside Iraq, many backed by Iran, will likely squeeze him for concessions.
然而，伊拉克境內的勁敵們，其中很多人都有伊朗支持，可能會迫使阿巴迪讓步。
There’s good reason for many to believe this moment of cohesion will be fleeting.
很多人都有充分的理由相信，這個充滿凝聚力的時刻將不過是曇花一現。
ISIS unified Iraq even as it divided it, with many Iraqis bound together in their mutual hatred for the jihadists.
就連ISIS在分裂伊拉克的同時也從一定程度上統一了伊拉克，因為它讓許多仇恨圣戰分子的伊拉克人團結到了一起。
Now with ISIS largely gone, the familiar ethnic schisms have resurfaced among the majority-Shi‘ite population, the once powerful Sunnis and the minority Kurds.
如今，ISIS大部分都被趕走了，然而，熟悉的種族分裂思想又在這個以什葉派為多數，以遜尼派為強勢派和以庫爾德人為少數派的國家抬頭了。
Iraqi Kurdistan held a referendum last September to declare independence from Baghdad, prompting a swift crackdown from al-Abadi.
去年9月，伊拉克庫爾德斯坦舉行了全民公決以期從巴格達獨立出去，結果反遭阿巴迪迅速鎮壓。
Now his re-election in May rests on fragile alliances that may not please everyone.
由于阿巴迪五月再次競選能否成功依賴的都是一些脆弱的聯盟關系，而這些關系這可能并未能滿足所有人。
In February, the Institute for the Study of War, in Washington, D.C., warned U.S. officials that they should prepare for a possible pro-Iranian Iraqi government after May.
2月，華盛頓特區的戰爭研究所提醒美國官員說，他們應該為5月之后接受一個親伊朗的伊拉克政府做好準備。
The combat-ready Shi‘ite militia forces, whose reputation and influence have grown hugely after years of fighting ISIS, may come to the fore.
已經做好戰斗準備的什葉派民兵部隊，其聲譽和影響力已經在伊斯蘭國多年的戰斗中大大增加，可能會脫穎而出。
Grouped together as the Popular Mobilization Forces, or PMF, the dozens of groups—most backed by Iran—joined the war effort alongside the Iraqi army, though at far lower pay.
同被劃分到了“人民動員組織”（PMF）的幾十支部隊，大部分都有伊朗支持，曾和伊拉克軍隊并肩作戰，但他們的收入卻比后者卻低得多。
Now they expect recognition, including more political power.
現在他們期待給他們的承諾，包括分給他們更多的政治權力，能被兌現。
Victory was assigned to Abadi’s name, but Iraqis knew very well who defeated ISIS,”
“勝利表面上是歸功給了阿巴迪，但伊拉克人心里很清楚打敗ISIS的到底是誰，”
says Bassem Qassim, the militia fighter who drove us into the countryside;
開車送我們到村莊的民兵巴西姆·卡西姆說;
he is a member of the Badr Organization, a military and political group with ties to Iran, which comprised the biggest militia force in the PMF.
他是巴德爾組織——這是一個與伊朗有著密切聯系，同時也是民兵組織PMF的生力軍的軍事政治團體——的一員。
With his potbelly and gray mustache, Qassim does not look like the model of a hardened fighter.
大腹便便，留著灰色小胡子的卡西姆看起來并不像那種典型的精銳士兵。
Yet he rushed to join the battle against ISIS in June 2014, after watching Iraq’s Grand Ayatullah Ali al- Sistani tell his followers on TV to fight the jihadists.
然而，在看到伊拉克的大阿亞圖拉·阿里·西斯坦尼在電視上告訴他的追隨者們對抗圣戰分子之后，2014年6月，他便火速加入了反抗ISIS的戰斗。
Thousands complied.
當時，數千人響應了西斯坦尼的號召。
Qassim fought for years, moving from one battlefront to the next, each time setting up a thermal camera and firing mortars at ISIS.
卡西姆戰斗了數年，從一個前線轉移到另一個前線，每次他都會在向ISIS發射迫擊炮的同時用紅外攝像機拍下戰爭的場景。
They called me the ISIS terminator,” he says.
“大家都管我叫‘ISIS終結者’，”他說。
If al-Abadi wins a second term as Prime Minister,
如果阿巴迪能夠連任總理，
he will need to reckon with the thousands of war veterans like Qassim whose bravery has brought strong applause from grateful Iraqis—
他就要考慮如何面對數千名卡西姆這樣用勇敢贏得了感恩的伊拉克人，
even those wary of the influence that Iran wields over the militia groups.
甚至包括對伊朗對民兵團體的影響存在憂慮的人群，的熱烈掌聲的退伍軍人。
"They deserve all our respect,” says Brigadier General Yahya Rasool, an Iraqi military spokesman."
“他們應得到我們所有的尊重，”伊拉克軍事發言人葉海亞·拉索爾準將說。
They are fierce fighters.
“他們都是英勇的斗士。”
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