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This imbalance is partly by design.
而這種不平衡通常都蓄意為之。
The greatest and the smallest states each have two senators,
最大的州和最小的州都會選出兩名參議員，
in order that Congress should represent territory as well as people.
以保證國會不僅代表人口利益，也代表各領(lǐng)土的利益。
Yet the over-representation of rural America was not supposed to affect the House and the presidency.
但是，美國農(nóng)村過大的代表權(quán)不應(yīng)影響眾議院和總統(tǒng)選舉。
For most of the past 200 years, when rural, urban and suburban interests were scattered between the parties, it did not.
在過去200年的大多數(shù)時(shí)間里，農(nóng)村、城市還有城郊利益分各一方時(shí)，事情并非如此。
Today, however, the 13 states where people live closest together have 121 Democratic House members and 73 Republican ones,
而現(xiàn)如今，人口最密集的13個(gè)洲有121名民主黨議員和73名共和黨議員，
whereas the rest have 163 Republicans and just 72 Democrats.
而其余的洲則有163名共和黨議員和區(qū)區(qū)72名民主黨議員。
America has one party built on territory and another built on people.
美國有一個(gè)政黨是建立在領(lǐng)土基礎(chǔ)上的，而另一個(gè)是建立在人民基礎(chǔ)上的。
The bias is deepening.
偏向性越來越深。
Every president who took office in the 20th century did so having won the popular vote.
20世紀(jì)繼任的總統(tǒng)都是這樣贏得普選的。
In two of the five elections for 21st century presidents, the minority won the electoral college.
21世紀(jì)的5次總統(tǒng)選舉中，2次都是少數(shù)派贏得了選舉團(tuán)。
By having elected politicians appoint federal judges,
由于聯(lián)邦法官亦由被選舉上的政客任命，
the American system embeds this rural bias in the courts as well.
美國制度也把農(nóng)村傾向嵌入了法庭。
If Brett Kavanaugh, whom President Donald Trump nominated this week, joins the Supreme Court,
若唐納德·特朗普總統(tǒng)本周提名的布雷特·卡瓦諾加入最高法院，
a conservative court established by a president and Senate who were elected with less than half the two-party vote may end up litigating the fairness of the voting system.
那么將出現(xiàn)這樣一個(gè)保守派法院，建立它的總統(tǒng)和參議院在兩黨投票中均未過半數(shù)，最終可能會引起針對投票系統(tǒng)公正性的訴訟。
This bias is a dangerous new twist in the tribalism and political dysfunction that is poisoning politics in Washington.
部落主義和政治失調(diào)正在危害美國政治，而這種偏向性則是一種危險(xiǎn)的意想不到的新進(jìn)展。
Americans often say such partisanship is bad for their country
美國人經(jīng)常說這種黨派偏向性對美國百害無利
(and that the other lot should mend their ways).
（并且聲稱另一派應(yīng)該自我改正）。
The Founding Fathers would have agreed.
開國元?jiǎng)滓矔狻?/div>
George Washington warned that "the alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge…is itself a frightful despotism".
喬治·華盛頓警告說“黨派間的交替統(tǒng)治，經(jīng)由復(fù)仇精神加劇……這本身就是一種可怕的獨(dú)裁”。
As a component of partisanship, the built-in bias is obviously bad for Democrats.
內(nèi)在偏向性作為黨派的一部分，對民主黨不利。
But in the long run it is bad for America as a whole, including Republicans.
而從長遠(yuǎn)來看，內(nèi)在偏向性不利于共和黨在內(nèi)的美國整體。
When lawmaking is paralysed, important work, such as immigration and entitlement reform, is too hard.
立法陷入癱瘓時(shí)，移民和福利改革等重要工作就難上加難。
The few big laws that are approved, like Barack Obama's health-care reform or Mr Trump's corporate tax cuts, pass on party-line votes.
少數(shù)通過的重大法律，例如奧巴馬的醫(yī)保改革、或特朗普的減稅法案，是由于沿續(xù)黨派立場，在投票中獲得通過的。
That emboldens the opposition to reverse or neuter them when they take power.
這讓反對黨有膽量在掌權(quán)后推翻或廢止這些法律。
Meanwhile, the task of resolving the most divisive political issues often falls to the courts.
與此同時(shí)，解決爭議最大的政治問題的任務(wù)就交給了法庭。
The battle over Mr Kavanaugh's confirmation will be a proxy war over issues, like abortion and health insurance, better suited to the legislature.
卡瓦諾當(dāng)選的斗爭，將是一場基于墮胎和醫(yī)保等問題的傀儡戰(zhàn)爭，這些問題更適合立法機(jī)關(guān)去解決。
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