
Detroit, in the minds of many people, looks like something from the film Gran Torino, in which Clint Eastwood’s retired car worker defiantly manicures his lawn and flies an American flag as the city around him descends into chaos. With its fraying social fabric and the imposition of an emergency manager to cope with its collapsing finances, it would be easy to argue a city that was a global centre of carmaking and musical innovation 50 years ago has passed the point of no return.
在許多人的心目中,底特律就像是電影《老爺車》(Gran Torino)中描述的那種場(chǎng)景——在這部影片中,克林特•伊斯特伍德(Clint Eastwood)飾演的車廠退休工人在他周圍的整個(gè)城市陷入混亂之際,頑強(qiáng)地修剪自家的草坪并懸掛美國(guó)國(guó)旗。隨著底特律的社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)逐步瓦解,隨著一位危機(jī)處理專員被派來處理其日漸崩潰的財(cái)政狀況,我們會(huì)很容易地認(rèn)為,這座50年前曾經(jīng)是全球汽車制造和音樂創(chuàng)新中心的城市已經(jīng)無可挽回。
Easy, yes; but wrong. Detroit’s days as a manufacturing powerhouse – like those of many industrial cities in America, Europe and elsewhere – are irrevocable. But its downtown is rebounding, thanks to the kind of central location, affordable property, improved efficiency and productivity also bringing people and businesses back to struggling former industrial hubs such as Cleveland and Pittsburgh.
容易是沒錯(cuò),但這種看法是錯(cuò)誤的。與美歐乃至其它地方的許多工業(yè)城市一樣,底特律作為制造業(yè)中心的日子已經(jīng)一去不復(fù)返了。但底特律的市中心正在恢復(fù)元?dú)猓靡嬗谄渌幍闹行奈恢煤蛢r(jià)格適中的房產(chǎn),以及效率和生產(chǎn)率的提高,這些因素也讓居民和企業(yè)重新回到了克利夫蘭和匹茲堡等掙扎中的老工業(yè)中心。
Thousands of residents, including designers, techies and music makers, have moved to Detroit’s old central business district. They are drawn, to borrow a phrase from Jane Jacobs’ 1961 work, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, to the old buildings new ideas require. More than 40 per cent of the young adults living there are university educated, according to a recent report, compared with 11 per cent for the city as a whole, 29 per cent for the state of Michigan and 31 per cent for the nation. The urban centre is home to more than 600 new companies and draws 10.5m visitors to its leisure attractions each year.
包括設(shè)計(jì)師、技術(shù)人員和音樂創(chuàng)作者在內(nèi)的數(shù)千居民已經(jīng)搬到了底特律舊日的中央商務(wù)區(qū)。借用簡(jiǎn)•雅各布斯(Jane Jacobs) 1961年的著作《美國(guó)大城市的死與生》(The Death and Life of Great American Cities)中的話來說,他們被產(chǎn)生新創(chuàng)意所需的舊房子吸引。最近一份報(bào)告顯示,在底特律市中心居住的年輕人當(dāng)中,逾40%是大學(xué)畢業(yè)生,相比之下,整座城市的這一比例是11%,密歇根州是29%,全美是31%。底特律市中心是逾600家新公司的所在地,每年還吸引1050萬游客來此休閑度假。
The nascent turnround is driven by a coalition of profit-led entrepreneurs, philanthropic foundations and grassroots groups unhindered by city government. They offer a distinctive model of revival from which cities in the US and beyond can learn.
追逐利潤(rùn)的企業(yè)家、慈善基金會(huì)以及不受市政府束縛的草根組織一起推動(dòng)了這種方興未艾的轉(zhuǎn)變。他們提供了獨(dú)特的復(fù)興模式,美國(guó)以及海外的城市都可以從中借鑒。
For example, motivated by good business sense and community altruism, local company Quicken Loans has moved thousands of jobs from the suburbs to downtown. It bought millions of square feet of office and residential space with access to good transport links, much of it for pennies on the dollar. A consortium of local businesses has provided funding for 100 new police cars. Foundations and companies have pledged $100m for a new light rail system linking emerging neighbourhoods along the reviving economic spine. The Kresge Foundation’s Detroit Future City initiative will provide $150m to create more concentrated economic development, reuse 100,000 vacant plots and add parks.
例如,在敏銳的商業(yè)嗅覺和社區(qū)利他精神的激勵(lì)下,當(dāng)?shù)仄髽I(yè)Quicken Loans將數(shù)千崗位從郊區(qū)搬到市中心。該公司在交通便利區(qū)域購(gòu)買了數(shù)百萬平方英尺的辦公室和住宅,其中大多是以極低價(jià)格買到的。一個(gè)由本地企業(yè)組成的財(cái)團(tuán)為100輛新警車提供了融資。基金會(huì)和企業(yè)承諾為一個(gè)新的輕軌系統(tǒng)提供1億美元的資金——這個(gè)輕軌系統(tǒng)將沿著正在復(fù)興的經(jīng)濟(jì)脊梁,把新興的街區(qū)連接起來。Kresge基金會(huì)發(fā)起的“底特律未來城市”(Detroit Future City)項(xiàng)目將提供1.5億美元來進(jìn)行集約化的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展,重新利用10萬個(gè)空置地塊,并增加公園數(shù)量。
Unemployment remains high, much of the city is distressed and the murder rate hovers near record levels. A cynic might say business interests and corporate urban pioneers are merely colonising the one economically viable district, leaving those in distressed areas to the mercy of its broke, powerless government. Indeed, a political divide has opened up between the largely young, white, educated “new” Detroit and the mostly African-American, undereducated and unemployed longstanding citizens.
底特律失業(yè)率依然高企,大部分地區(qū)衰敗不堪,謀殺率徘徊在歷史高點(diǎn)附近。愛嘲諷的人可能會(huì)說,商業(yè)利益和企業(yè)城市先驅(qū)只是在利用經(jīng)濟(jì)可行區(qū)域,而把那些衰敗地區(qū)留給軟弱無力的破產(chǎn)政府。的確,政治上的分歧已經(jīng)出現(xiàn):一方是“新”底特律人,基本上由受過教育的年輕白人組成;另一方是底特律的長(zhǎng)期居民,他們大多是教育程度不高而且失業(yè)的非裔美國(guó)人。
Nonetheless, if it can be sustained, the downtown revival will be a first step to creating the jobs, economic activity and tax revenues needed to underwrite broader recovery. The city’s economic future will then be driven by its ability to deepen the creative component of all its industries. It must focus on turning low-skilled, low-paid service jobs into family-supporting jobs by tapping workers’ knowledge and skills. A new urban social compact is needed to upgrade underfunded schools, and to train and connect more people to the emerging downtown economy. This too can be a model for other distressed cities, as well as for more affluent ones such as New York, San Francisco and London with similar (if not higher) levels of inequality.
然而,如果市中心的復(fù)興得以持續(xù),它將創(chuàng)造就業(yè)、經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)和稅收收入,從而成為全面復(fù)蘇的第一步。就此而言,底特律經(jīng)濟(jì)未來的推動(dòng)因素,將是其深化所有產(chǎn)業(yè)的創(chuàng)意組成部分的能力。它必須致力于將低技能、低報(bào)酬的服務(wù)型工作,轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)樽阋责B(yǎng)家的工作,充分利用工人的知識(shí)和技能。它需要新的城市社會(huì)契約來改造經(jīng)費(fèi)不足的學(xué)校,培訓(xùn)并延攬更多的人參與新興的市中心經(jīng)濟(jì)。這也可以成為其他衰敗城市,以及紐約、舊金山和倫敦等較為富足但具有類似(或者更高)不平等程度的城市的榜樣。
Downtown developments, together with the wider region’s economic assets, put Detroit on a better economic footing than it has enjoyed for a couple of generations. The resurgence at its heart provides grounds for real hope tempered with cautious optimism.
市中心的開發(fā)項(xiàng)目,加上整個(gè)地區(qū)的經(jīng)濟(jì)資產(chǎn),讓底特律獲得兩代人以來最好的經(jīng)濟(jì)立足點(diǎn)。底特律市中心的復(fù)興讓人謹(jǐn)慎樂觀地對(duì)未來抱以期許。