評論
打印
Race relations in America
美國種族問題
The lessons of Ferguson
弗格森的教訓(xùn)
There is no excuse for rioting. But smarter policing would make it less likely
暴亂無可原諒，但有能力的警察能盡力避免沖突。
AFTER more than a week of rioting in Ferguson, Missouri, what can America learn? The first and simplest lesson is that cops should wear cameras. Knowing that they are being recorded, the police would be less likely to shoot suspects, and vice versa. Also, had Officer Darren Wilson been wearing a camera on August 9th, Americans would know what happened just before he shot and killed Michael Brown, an unarmed black 18-year-old. As it is, there are two conflicting stories and no way to choose between them. The police say that Mr Brown attacked Mr Wilson and tried to wrestle away his gun. In the ensuing struggle the officer, fearing for his life, shot and killed the teenager. Mr Brown's friend, who was with him at the time, gives a completely different account: he says the officer grabbed Mr Brown by the neck and later shot him as he was trying to surrender. Early autopsy results show that Mr Brown was hit by at least six bullets but do not settle the dispute.
經(jīng)過超過一周的密蘇里弗格森騷亂，美國能學(xué)到些什么？首先，最簡單的一點，警察應(yīng)該攜帶影像記錄設(shè)備。當(dāng)值班過程被記錄下來，警察射擊嫌犯的概率將降低，反之亦然。同時，假如戴倫·威爾遜警官在八月九日執(zhí)勤時配戴相機(jī)，民眾就能直觀了解景觀開槍射擊了一位18歲的黑人青年邁克爾·布朗，布朗當(dāng)時手無寸鐵。關(guān)于此事，兩個截然不同的說法無法證實，警方的說法是布朗襲擊了威爾遜警官，并試圖搶奪他的槍。威爾遜警官由于生命受到威脅，開槍打死了這位黑人青年布朗。與布朗先生同在案發(fā)現(xiàn)場的朋友提供了一個完全不同的說法：警察抓住了布朗先生的脖子，后來布朗想自首的時候被開槍殺死了。早期的尸檢結(jié)果表明，布朗身中至少六發(fā)的子彈，但這未能成為事件有力的證據(jù)。
His death sparked protests that soon turned violent. Looters smashed up shops and picked them clean. The police responded with a staggering display of force, rolling military-style armoured cars onto the streets, pointing rifles at the protesters, dispersing crowds with tear gas and detaining not only rioters but also peaceful demonstrators and journalists.
他的死引發(fā)了暴力性的抗議活動。暴徒砸毀搶光了店鋪，警方對此做出強(qiáng)有力的回應(yīng)，將軍用裝甲車開上街道，用實槍荷彈震懾，用催淚瓦斯驅(qū)散人群，并逮捕暴徒，甚至和平示威者和記者。
There is a racial gulf in how these events are perceived. Some 65% of black Americans think the police went too far in responding to the protests; only 33% of whites agree. Many blacks in Ferguson disbelieve anything the police say. Mr Brown's family describe him as a gentle giant. The Ferguson police beg to differ:they released a video purportedly showing him violently robbing a liquor store minutes before he met Officer Wilson. Some locals dismissed this as a smear. The liquor store was promptly looted.
有一個種族隔閡的說法能說明這些事件是如何發(fā)生的。大約65%的黑人認(rèn)為警察對抗議活動的反應(yīng)過于激烈，只有33%的白人同意警方的做法。在弗格森許多黑人不相信任何警察的話。布朗先生的家人將他描述為一個溫和的巨人。弗格森警方不敢茍同：他們發(fā)布了一個視頻，據(jù)稱是他遇到警官威爾遜之前幾分鐘暴力搶劫酒類商店。一些當(dāng)?shù)厝朔裾J(rèn)了視頻內(nèi)容。該酒類商店經(jīng)常被搶劫。
Rioting will do nothing to resolve Ferguson's problems. On the contrary, it will make businesses flee, leaving locals with fewer jobs and shops. So the immediate priority is to restore order. Next, the investigations of the shooting already under way must be pursued vigorously and transparently. In the longer term, America should ponder three things.
暴亂無益于解決弗格森的問題。相反，它將使商鋪離開弗格森，造成一部分人失業(yè)。所以當(dāng)務(wù)之急是維持秩序。下一步，正在進(jìn)行的案件調(diào)查應(yīng)該更加仔細(xì)和徹底。從長遠(yuǎn)來看，美國人應(yīng)該思考三個問題。
To protect and serve
保護(hù)民眾，服務(wù)民眾
First, as Barack Obama noted on August 18th, “there is a big difference between our military and our local law enforcement and we don't want those lines blurred.” In fact, those lines have already been blurred, as the armoured cars on the streets of Ferguson attest. In 2012, according to the FBI, American police officers shot and killed 409 people. Their British counterparts shot and killed no one. The German police, who unlike the Brits are routinely armed, shot and killed eight people; the Japanese have killed one in the past six years. In their defence, American cops face greater risks than those in other rich countries. The civilians they meet are often armed; small wonder they are jumpy when they cannot see your hands.
首先，正如奧巴馬總統(tǒng)八月十八日所說，“這是我們的軍事和當(dāng)?shù)貓?zhí)法部門之間行事原則上的差異，我們不想要部門之間的界線模糊。“事實上，這些界線已經(jīng)模糊，在弗格森的街道行駛裝甲車就是證明。根據(jù)美國聯(lián)邦調(diào)查局的統(tǒng)計，首先，正如巴拉克奧巴馬指出，八月十八日，“這是我們的軍事和當(dāng)?shù)貓?zhí)法部門之間的大的差異，我們不想要那些線模糊。“事實上，這些線路已經(jīng)模糊，在弗格森的街道的裝甲車的證明。2012，美國警察開槍打死409人。他們的英國同行未打死一個嫌犯。德國警方，他們不像英國人，配備常規(guī)武器，開槍打死八人；日本在過去六年中已經(jīng)殺死了一人。在他們的正當(dāng)防衛(wèi)的范圍內(nèi)，美國警察面對比其他發(fā)達(dá)國家更大的危險。他們面對持槍的平民，也難怪他們看不到嫌犯雙手時，心情多么緊張。
Yet this is a reason for cops to work harder to improve relations with the communities they serve. Many police forces in America are good at this, but some have developed a warrior culture that stresses brute force over pounding the beat. A Pentagon programme that gives surplus military hardware to local law-enforcement agencies can make them seem like occupying armies rather than public servants. That is both costly and counterproductive—the public are more likely to volunteer information to officers they trust than to those they fear.
然而，這也正是警察努力改善與所服務(wù)的社區(qū)關(guān)系的原因。許多美國警察部隊懂得如何與社區(qū)打成一片，但也有一些警察崇尚強(qiáng)權(quán)鎮(zhèn)壓的方針。有一個國防部的項目將冗余的軍事裝備給予地方執(zhí)法機(jī)構(gòu)，這使他們看起來像是占領(lǐng)軍而不是公務(wù)員。這是花錢起到反作用的項目，因為對于執(zhí)法者來說，公眾的信任比畏懼更加可貴。
Second, unlike plumbers or accountants, it matters what colour police officers are. Ferguson's population has shifted from 75% white in 1990 to 67% black in 2010, but the police force is still 95% white. This is partly due to bureaucratic inertia. Public servants have rock-solid job security and generous pensions, so the workforce turns over slowly. A fast-food joint in a town that becomes Hispanic will quickly hire Spanish-speaking cashiers. The police are much slower to hire officers with a feel for a changing community. This is not to say that Ferguson should have sacked the white officers and replaced them with blacks; that would be illegal. But it ought to be easier to shift officers between towns, bring in fresh faces and retrain the old hands to be more racially sensitive.
第二，不像管道工和會計師，警官的膚色似乎也影響到辦案過程。弗格森的黑人人口已從1990年的75%變?yōu)?010年到67%，但警察中仍然是95%的白人。一是因為官僚主義的傳統(tǒng)，公務(wù)員失業(yè)風(fēng)險低，待遇相對較好，工作節(jié)奏相對較慢。而其他崗位不如公務(wù)員穩(wěn)定，比如快餐店的收銀員就可以隨時雇傭母語為西班牙語的雇員。社區(qū)警察卻很難讓不同背景警員適應(yīng)社區(qū)治安工作。這雖然不是說弗格森應(yīng)該用黑人警官代替白人警官，這也不合法，但這樣的做法應(yīng)該能更加方便開展社區(qū)工作，也能減少因為種族問題帶來的不便。
Third, policing would be a lot easier, and race relations a little more cordial, if America legalised drugs. One reason why so many African-Americans distrust the police is that so many young black men are sent to prison for non-violent drug offences. If drugs were legal, no one would be patted down for pills or jailed for possessing them. Illicit drug gangs would go out of business. And the police would be able to concentrate on tracking down thieves and rapists, making everyone safer. Legalising marijuana would be a good first step, following the examples of Colorado and Washington state.
第三，假如美國讓民間藥品流通合法，警察會輕松很多，種族問題也能得到緩和。如此多的非洲裔美國人之所以不信任警察是因為許多年輕的黑人男性由于違禁藥品犯罪入獄。如果藥物是合法的，沒有人會因為藥物而入獄。非法販賣藥物團(tuán)伙自然會消失。和警察能夠?qū)Ｗ⒂谧凡缎⊥担瑥?qiáng)奸犯，使社區(qū)更加安全。在科羅拉多州和華盛頓州，大麻合法化將是一個很好的嘗試。
The ills of shrinking rust-belt towns with tetchy race relations cannot be fixed quickly. But the broken windows of Ferguson should remind America's leaders that they have to try.
有種族矛盾問題纏身的城鎮(zhèn)不能迅速解決。但弗格森的慘劇應(yīng)該提醒美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，他們必須解決類似的問題。
