UNESCO’s Global Alliance

A radical change in mentalities is under way both in the public sector, which has now been forced to admit that its own means of action are insufficient to meet their development targets, and the private sector, which is becoming aware of its capacity to contribute to the developing countries’ emergence on the world stage in the role of future partners in local and global markets.
Dialogue can be established within the framework of an already increasing number of forums, as well as in project formulation. The presence of other civil society actors and support from the international organizations—as much in the thinking and debate as in the actions undertaken – are crucial factors for enabling people to make sense of the new prospects for cooperation.
The new twenty-first century world order demands that decision-making be opened up to dialogue with new actors. Civil society’s innovative energy has already produced a good number of important initiatives and proposals in many areas. And the business world offers economic resources and know-how that can greatly contribute to development strategy deployment and the promotion of cultural diversity. UNESCO intends to establish cultural patronage agreements with businesses aimed, inter alia, at supporting the initiatives of countries in the South.

II. 將下列文章譯成漢語 (50分)

Growth may be everything, but it's not the only thing

Economists have long been a natural constituency in favor of growth. Since even the richest country has limited resources, the central economic problem is choice: Shall we fund tax cuts for the rich or investment in infrastructure and research and development, war in Iraq or assistance for the poor in developing countries and our own? By providing more total resources, growth should, in theory, make these choices less painful.
The United States, however, has powerfully demonstrated that while growth increases supply, it also raises aspirations. Choices that rich countries have to make thus seem to be no easier than those confronting poor countries, even though the tradeoffs are more heart-wrenching in the case of the poor. Brazil, for example, must choose whether to use its limited health budget to pay full-market price for AIDS drugs; some AIDS victims may live as a result, but people in need of other health care will die, because money that could have been spent on their needs is simply not there. More growth-provided resources, in this instance, mean the difference between life and death.
Still, growth has had its critics. There is a well-developed populist antigrowth literature concerned with, among other things, the impact of growth on the environment and on poverty. Historically, economists have questioned whether, at least in the early stages of development, growth is accompanied by societal goods such as greater equality and a better environment. Nobel Prize-winning economist Simon Kuznets (西蒙·庫茲列茨) argued, based on experiences largely before World War II, that there is an increase in inequality in the early stages of development. Arthur Lewis, another Nobel economist, went further: greater inequality, he argued, is necessary to generate the savings that growth requires. A later generation of economists has posited the existence of an environmental Kuznets curve: the early stages of growth cause environmental degradation, not environmental health.
Kuznets and his descendants held out the prospect that eventually growth would bring more social justice (greater equality, less poverty) and a better environment. But there is nothing inevitable about this -- which means that even if it has been true in the past, it may not be in the future. Inequality did seem to fall in the United States after the Great Depression, but in the last 30 years it has increased enormously. Many forms of pollution have gone down as richer countries have turned their mind to air-quality issues, but greenhouse gas emissions -- with all the dangers they present for global warming -- have continued to increase with economic growth, especially in the United States.

III. 將下列短文譯成英語(25分)

中國是歐亞地區(qū)重要的國家。中國的發(fā)展離不開世界，更離不開歐亞地區(qū)。同樣，世界的發(fā)展、歐亞地區(qū)的發(fā)展也離不開中國。中國的發(fā)展給世界各國尤其是歐亞地區(qū)國家?guī)碇匾獧C(jī)遇。中國穩(wěn)定和諧的政治社會(huì)環(huán)境、豐富優(yōu)秀的勞動(dòng)力資源和潛力巨大的市場，為與世界各國尤其是歐亞地區(qū)國家開展互利互惠的經(jīng)濟(jì)合作提供了理想的場所。我們高興地看到，通過這些年的不懈努力，中國的中西部地區(qū)和東北等老工業(yè)基地有了長足進(jìn)步，呈現(xiàn)美好的發(fā)展前景。
我們歡迎歐亞地區(qū)國家積極參與中國西部大開發(fā)和東北老工業(yè)基地振興，增強(qiáng)中國與歐亞地區(qū)各國互利合作的生機(jī)與活力。歐亞地區(qū)國家與中國有傳統(tǒng)友誼，經(jīng)濟(jì)互補(bǔ)性強(qiáng)，中國政府將鼓勵(lì)、支持中國企業(yè)與歐亞地區(qū)發(fā)展貿(mào)易、投資辦廠，實(shí)現(xiàn)共同發(fā)展。

IV. 將下列文章譯成英語(50分)
中國公司想創(chuàng)造世界品牌，外國公司想增加在中國的銷量，這些都正改變著中國的設(shè)計(jì)產(chǎn)業(yè)。中國制造商意識到，若他們想在本國市場脫穎而出，在外國市場嶄露頭角，就必須設(shè)計(jì)更好的產(chǎn)品。索尼這樣的外國公司也開始明白，從前海外公司常把隨便什么地方設(shè)計(jì)的產(chǎn)品拿到中國來賣，而現(xiàn)在，中國消費(fèi)者變得更加挑剔，他們不再那樣容易滿足了。
盡管全球大量的電子產(chǎn)品和鞋等都是中國制造，但這些產(chǎn)品的設(shè)計(jì)都是在歐美或日本完成的。中國公司制造自己品牌的產(chǎn)品時(shí)，通常是模仿國外。但如今不同了，他們都想開創(chuàng)自己的品牌。隨著中國公司在設(shè)計(jì)上的改進(jìn)，跨國公司意識到，他們的產(chǎn)品需要專門針對中國消費(fèi)者的品味進(jìn)行“量身定做”了。這些使中國設(shè)計(jì)產(chǎn)業(yè)開始繁榮起來。
中國公司開始建立設(shè)計(jì)中心或雇人幫他們打造自己的品牌。成百上千的設(shè)計(jì)顧問公司在上海、北京和廣州涌現(xiàn)。國外年輕設(shè)計(jì)師也開始擁入中國，想在這個(gè)全球最有活力的消費(fèi)市場上一試身手?，F(xiàn)在，中國約有400所學(xué)院提供設(shè)計(jì)課程，每年有1萬名畢業(yè)生。一些中國設(shè)計(jì)師獲得國際大獎(jiǎng)，許多人開始到米蘭、東京、紐約等地工作, 設(shè)計(jì)成為中國最熱門的專業(yè)之一。