Statement by the President on Syria
奧巴馬總統就敘利亞問題發表的聲明
Rose Garden
玫瑰園
August 31, 2013
2013年8月31日
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, everybody. Ten days ago, the world watched in horror as men, women and children were massacred in Syria in the worst chemical weapons attack of the 21st century. Yesterday the United States presented a powerful case that the Syrian government was responsible for this attack on its own people.
各位下午好。10天前,全世界看到了男女老幼在敘利亞發生的21世紀最殘忍的化學武器襲擊中慘遭屠殺的駭人場面。昨天,美國確鑿地說明了敘利亞政府應為這次攻擊本國人民的事件負責。
Our intelligence shows the Assad regime and its forces preparing to use chemical weapons, launching rockets in the highly populated suburbs of Damascus, and acknowledging that a chemical weapons attack took place. And all of this corroborates what the world can plainly see -- hospitals overflowing with victims; terrible images of the dead. All told, well over 1,000 people were murdered. Several hundred of them were children -- young girls and boys gassed to death by their own government.
我們獲取的情報表明,阿薩德政權及其軍隊曾準備使用化學武器、向大馬士革近郊人口稠密的地區發射火箭彈,并承認發生了一起化學武器襲擊。所有這些都證實了全世界清楚地看到的情況——醫院里滿是受害者;死者的畫面令人驚駭。總計有遠遠超過1,000人慘遭殺害。其中有數百名兒童——年幼的男孩和女孩被他們自己的政府用毒氣害死。
This attack is an assault on human dignity. It also presents a serious danger to our national security. It risks making a mockery of the global prohibition on the use of chemical weapons. It endangers our friends and our partners along Syria’s borders, including Israel, Jordan, Turkey, Lebanon and Iraq. It could lead to escalating use of chemical weapons, or their proliferation to terrorist groups who would do our people harm.
這次襲擊是對人類尊嚴的踐踏。它還對我們的國家安全構成了嚴重威脅。它有可能令全球禁止使用化學武器的禁令受到嘲弄。它使與敘利亞相鄰的我們的友邦和伙伴國處境危險,其中包括以色列、約旦、土耳其、黎巴嫩和伊拉克。它可能導致化學武器的使用升級,或導致化學武器在妄圖傷害我們人民的恐怖主義團伙中擴散。
In a world with many dangers, this menace must be confronted.
在一個存在多種危險的世界中,這種威脅必須得到遏制。
Now, after careful deliberation, I have decided that the United States should take military action against Syrian regime targets. This would not be an open-ended intervention. We would not put boots on the ground. Instead, our action would be designed to be limited in duration and scope. But I’m confident we can hold the Assad regime accountable for their use of chemical weapons, deter this kind of behavior, and degrade their capacity to carry it out.
現在,在經過審慎斟酌之后,我已決定美國應當采取軍事行動打擊敘利亞政權目標。這不會是一場曠日持久的干預。我們不會派出地面部隊。我們的行動將被制定為在時間和范圍上都是有限度的。但我相信,我們能夠追究阿薩德政權使用化學武器的罪責,遏制這類行徑,并削弱他們采取這種行動的能力。
Our military has positioned assets in the region. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs has informed me that we are prepared to strike whenever we choose. Moreover, the Chairman has indicated to me that our capacity to execute this mission is not time-sensitive; it will be effective tomorrow, or next week, or one month from now. And I’m prepared to give that order.
我們的軍隊已在該地區部署力量。參謀長聯席會議主席已經向我報告,我們已準備好在我們選擇的時間發起行動。此外,參謀長聯席會議主席還告訴我,我們執行這項使命的能力不受時間限制;明天、下個星期或從現在開始一個月以后都將具備效力。我已準備好下達這項命令。
But having made my decision as Commander-in-Chief based on what I am convinced is our national security interests, I’m also mindful that I’m the President of the world’s oldest constitutional democracy. I’ve long believed that our power is rooted not just in our military might, but in our example as a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. And that’s why I’ve made a second decision: I will seek authorization for the use of force from the American people’s representatives in Congress.
但是,在作為軍隊統帥基于我所確信的我國國家安全利益作出決定的同時,我也牢記我是全世界歷史最悠久的憲政民主國家的總統。長久以來,我一直深信,我們的實力不僅源于我們的軍事威力,更源于我們作為一個民有、民治、民享的政府的典范力量。正因為如此,我還作出了第二項決定:我將征求國會中美國人民的代表給予使用武力的授權。
Over the last several days, we’ve heard from members of Congress who want their voices to be heard. I absolutely agree. So this morning, I spoke with all four congressional leaders, and they’ve agreed to schedule a debate and then a vote as soon as Congress comes back into session.
近幾天來,我們聽到了想公開發表意見的國會議員的聲音。我對此完全贊同。今天上午,我同全部4位國會領袖進行了交談,他們同意在國會復會后立即制定舉行辯論和投票的日程。
In the coming days, my administration stands ready to provide every member with the information they need to understand what happened in Syria and why it has such profound implications for America’s national security. And all of us should be accountable as we move forward, and that can only be accomplished with a vote.
在今后幾天中,本屆政府隨時準備向每一位議員提供他們所需的信息,以便了解在敘利亞發生的事件以及它對美國國家安全影響重大的原因。我們所有人在向前推進的過程中都應當接受問責,而投票是作到問責的唯一途徑。
I’m confident in the case our government has made without waiting for U.N. inspectors. I’m comfortable going forward without the approval of a United Nations Security Council that, so far, has been completely paralyzed and unwilling to hold Assad accountable. As a consequence, many people have advised against taking this decision to Congress, and undoubtedly, they were impacted by what we saw happen in the United Kingdom this week when the Parliament of our closest ally failed to pass a resolution with a similar goal, even as the Prime Minister supported taking action.
我確信我國政府不等聯合國核查人員調查完畢便已得出的結論。我相信可以在沒有聯合國安理會批準的情況下采取行動,因為到目前為止,安理會已完全陷入癱瘓,不愿追究阿薩德的罪責。因此,很多人還提出反對將這個決定提交國會,毫無疑問,他們受到了我們這個星期所看到的在英國發生的情況的影響,我們最親密的盟國的議會未能通過一項抱有類似目標的決議案,盡管英國首相支持采取行動。
Yet, while I believe I have the authority to carry out this military action without specific congressional authorization, I know that the country will be stronger if we take this course, and our actions will be even more effective. We should have this debate, because the issues are too big for business as usual. And this morning, John Boehner, Harry Reid, Nancy Pelosi and Mitch McConnell agreed that this is the right thing to do for our democracy.
不過,雖然我相信我有權在沒有得到國會明確授權的情況下執行這項軍事行動,但我知道如果我們采取這個步驟,我們的國家將更加強大,我們的行動將更有效力。我們應當展開這場辯論,因為此事事關重大,不可一如往常。今天上午,約翰?博納、哈里·里德、南希·佩洛西和米奇·麥康奈爾一致認為這是為我們的民主制度而采取的正確步驟。
A country faces few decisions as grave as using military force, even when that force is limited. I respect the views of those who call for caution, particularly as our country emerges from a time of war that I was elected in part to end. But if we really do want to turn away from taking appropriate action in the face of such an unspeakable outrage, then we must acknowledge the costs of doing nothing.
國家派遣軍隊屬于重大決策,很少有其他事務能與之相比,即使軍隊的數量很有限也是如此。有些人呼吁保持謹慎,特別是因為我國正逐步走出戰爭時期,我當選現職在某種程度上也是為了結束戰爭。我尊重這些人的看法。但是面臨如此罄竹難書的罪惡暴行,我們如果的確想袖手旁觀,不采取適當的行動,就必須承擔不采取行動的代價。
Here’s my question for every member of Congress and every member of the global community: What message will we send if a dictator can gas hundreds of children to death in plain sight and pay no price? What’s the purpose of the international system that we’ve built if a prohibition on the use of chemical weapons that has been agreed to by the governments of 98 percent of the world’s people and approved overwhelmingly by the Congress of the United States is not enforced?
我對國會每一位成員和全球社會每一位成員提出的問題是:如果獨裁者可以在光天化日之下使數百名兒童被毒氣奪取生命,但不付出任何代價,那么我們將發出什么樣的信號?如果禁止使用化學武器一事得到代表全世界98%人民的政府同意,也在美國國會以壓倒多數批準,但得不到執行,那么我們已經建立的國際體系作用何在?
Make no mistake -- this has implications beyond chemical warfare. If we won’t enforce accountability in the face of this heinous act, what does it say about our resolve to stand up to others who flout fundamental international rules? To governments who would choose to build nuclear arms? To terrorist who would spread biological weapons? To armies who carry out genocide?
毫無疑問—這個問題的意義已經超出了化學戰的范疇。面對這種罪大惡極的行為,如果我們不采取負責任的強制措施,我們還有沒有決心抗擊蔑視基本國際準則的人?還有沒有決心抵制企圖制造核武器的政府?還有沒有決心打擊擴散生物武器的恐怖主義分子?還有沒有決心制止采取種族滅絕行動的軍隊?
We cannot raise our children in a world where we will not follow through on the things we say, the accords we sign, the values that define us.
我們如果不能言出必行,不能執行簽署的協議,不能維護體現我們本色的價值觀,就無法在這個世界上教導我們的子女。
So just as I will take this case to Congress, I will also deliver this message to the world. While the U.N. investigation has some time to report on its findings, we will insist that an atrocity committed with chemical weapons is not simply investigated, it must be confronted.
所以,我將向國會提出這個問題,也將向全世界傳遞這個信息。此時,聯合國調查人員還需要時間報告調查結果,但我們需要強調,對于使用化學武器犯下的滔天罪行,這不僅僅是調查的問題,而必須給于迎頭痛擊。
I don’t expect every nation to agree with the decision we have made. Privately we’ve heard many expressions of support from our friends. But I will ask those who care about the writ of the international community to stand publicly behind our action.
我并不認為每一個國家都會同意我們做出的決定。我們在不公開場合聽到很多朋友們表示支持的聲音。但是我要求那些關注國際社會相關法令的人公開支持我們的行動。
And finally, let me say this to the American people: I know well that we are weary of war. We’ve ended one war in Iraq. We’re ending another in Afghanistan. And the American people have the good sense to know we cannot resolve the underlying conflict in Syria with our military. In that part of the world, there are ancient sectarian differences, and the hopes of the Arab Spring have unleashed forces of change that are going to take many years to resolve. And that’s why we’re not contemplating putting our troops in the middle of someone else’s war.
最后,請允許我對美國人民表示:我知道我們厭倦戰爭。我們已經結束在伊拉克的戰爭。我們正在結束在阿富汗的戰爭。美國人民都明智地認識到,我們不能以我們的軍事力量解決敘利亞的根本問題。在世界的這個地區,存在著歷史久遠的宗派分歧,阿拉伯之春的希望釋放了改革的力量,需要多年才能解決問題。正因為如此,我們不考慮派我們的軍隊投入其他人的戰爭漩渦。
Instead, we’ll continue to support the Syrian people through our pressure on the Assad regime, our commitment to the opposition, our care for the displaced, and our pursuit of a political resolution that achieves a government that respects the dignity of its people.
然而,我們將繼續支持敘利亞人民,為此需要對阿薩德政權施加壓力,堅持我們對反對派的承諾,關心流離失所的民眾,并爭取政治解決方案,實現尊重本國人民尊嚴的政府。
But we are the United States of America, and we cannot and must not turn a blind eye to what happened in Damascus. Out of the ashes of world war, we built an international order and enforced the rules that gave it meaning. And we did so because we believe that the rights of individuals to live in peace and dignity depends on the responsibilities of nations. We aren’t perfect, but this nation more than any other has been willing to meet those responsibilities.
但我們是美利堅合眾國,絕不能對大馬士革發生的一切視而不見。我們在世界大戰的廢墟上建立了國際秩序,執行了使現行國際秩序行之有效的各種規則。我們這樣做是因為,我們相信,個人享有和平、有尊嚴的生活的權利取決于各國承擔的責任。我們并不完善,但這個國家比其他任何國家都更愿意承擔這些責任。
So to all members of Congress of both parties, I ask you to take this vote for our national security. I am looking forward to the debate. And in doing so, I ask you, members of Congress, to consider that some things are more important than partisan differences or the politics of the moment.
為此,我要求國會兩黨的所有成員為我們的國家安全投下這一票。我期待對此進行辯論。與此同時,我要求諸位國會議員考慮到有些問題比黨派分歧更重要,比現時政治更重要。
Ultimately, this is not about who occupies this office at any given time; it’s about who we are as a country. I believe that the people’s representatives must be invested in what America does abroad, and now is the time to show the world that America keeps our commitments. We do what we say. And we lead with the belief that right makes might -- not the other way around.
歸根結底,這與誰在某一個時期在這個職位上任職視事無關;這關系到維護我們作為一個國家的本色。我認為民意代表必須為美國在海外從事的工作發揮作用。現在正應該向全世界表明美國恪守我們的承諾。我們言出必行。我們秉持我們的信念發揮領導作用,堅信正義就是力量—而不是相反。
We all know there are no easy options. But I wasn’t elected to avoid hard decisions. And neither were the members of the House and the Senate. I’ve told you what I believe, that our security and our values demand that we cannot turn away from the massacre of countless civilians with chemical weapons. And our democracy is stronger when the President and the people’s representatives stand together.
眾所周知,做出任何選擇都不容易。但是我當選此職,不是為了回避艱難的抉擇。參眾兩院的成員也是如此。我已經告訴諸位我秉持的信念,我們的安全和我們的價值觀要求我們不能對使用化學武器殘殺無數平民的行為袖手旁觀。只要總統和民意代表齊心協力,我們的民主就更為強大。
I’m ready to act in the face of this outrage. Today I’m asking Congress to send a message to the world that we are ready to move forward together as one nation.
我準備對這種暴行采取行動。今天,我請求國會告訴全世界,我們準備舉國同心向前邁進。
Thanks very much.
多謝諸位。
更多精品翻譯素材,敬請關注可可英語。