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In 2016, the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) had 5,000 members;
2016年，美國民主社會黨(DSA)才5000名成員；
since then, its dues-paying membership has multiplied more than tenfold.
到目前，該黨派的付費會員人數已經增長十倍不止。
This new energy on the left terrifies chief executives and billionaires,
面對左翼陣營的這股能量，CEO和億萬富豪們都嚇壞了，
and yet many of them have been voicing similar alarms about a crisis of capitalism.
然而，他們中的許多人就資本主義危機也發出了類似的警告。
Ray Dalio, the billionaire co-chairman of the investment firm Bridgewater Associates,
橋水投資公司身價億萬的聯席主席雷·戴利奧就在四月份的時候警誡道，
warned in April that America faced a "national emergency" in capitalism's failure to benefit more people,
由于資本主義未能造福更多的人，美國已經進入“全國性的危急狀態”，
and he pronounced the American Dream lost.
他還宣稱，美國夢已經失落。
The anti-capitalist impulse has some purchase on the right too.
這種反資本主義情緒也在一定程度上牢牢抓住了右翼。
Before he pushed a tax cut that lined the capitalists' pockets,
在推出幫助資本家中飽私囊的減稅計劃之前，
Donald Trump ran, most improbably, as a Republican skeptical of the financial elite's loyalty to Americans.
特朗普就是以對金融精英對美國民眾的忠誠表示懷疑的共和黨人的身份參加競選的，最令人難以置信的事情莫過于此。
On Fox News, Tucker Carlson has entertained a surprising skepticism of capitalist doctrines and said positive things about Warren.
在接受福克斯新聞采訪時，塔克·卡爾森也令人意外地對資本主義學說表示懷疑，不僅如此，他還對沃倫予以了肯定。
America loves a capitalist reckoning the way the NFL loves Colin Kaepernick.
美國喜愛評估資本主義就如同國家橄欖球聯盟（NFL）喜愛科林·凱珀尼克一樣。
But it is having one anyway.
但總之還有一種評估方式。
And if this year that reckoning seemed to reach new intensity,
如果說，今年的評估看似更為緊張了，
it was because the economic precariousness, stalled mobility
那也是因為經濟不穩定、社會階層之間的流動停滯不前，
and gaping social divides that have for years fueled the backlash now had an improbable sidekick:
加之社會階層的差距——多年來一直在進一步激化上述抵制情緒——如今又不可思議地多了一個幫手：
plutocracy itself and the win-win ideology that has governed the past few decades.
富豪階層本身以及主宰過去數十載歷史的互利共贏思想。
This year, America's ultra-elites seemed to bend over backward to lend support to the idea that maybe the system they superintend needs gut renovating.
或許，被自己支配的（資本主義）體系真的該好好地換換血了。今年，美國的超級精英們似乎都開始不遺余力地支持這一想法了。
As a political movement bubbled up to challenge their wealth and power, the elite's own misbehavior trickled down.
隨著這場挑戰自己財富和權力的政治運動的興起，精英階層自己的那些不當行為也開始逐漸蔓延開來。
And where the two met, ideas that once seemed unutterable started, to many, to sound like the future.
兩者一旦相會，對許多人來說，曾經那些看似難以言說的想法都開始變得有可能了。
History is the story of conditions that long seem reasonable until they begin to seem ridiculous.
而歷史就是一直看似合理的情況逐漸開始變得荒謬的過程。
So it is with America's present manic hyper capitalism.
美國目前狂熱的超級資本主義思潮也是如此。
Until recently, it seemed normal that a technological revolution that began with promises of leveled playing fields had culminated in an age of platform monopolies.
直到最近，社會的常態似乎都是一場技術革命一開始都孕育著公平競爭的希望，待到其進入全盛時期，公平競爭的時代早已變成平臺壟斷的時代，
Normal that businesspeople should try to make as much money as possible by paying as little as possible in taxes and wages,
是商人就應該一邊盡量多掙錢，一邊盡量少繳稅，少給員工發工資，
then donate a fraction of the spoils to PR-friendly social causes.
再把戰利品的一小部分捐給公關友好的社會事業，
Normal that economic security for most Americans was becoming a relic of the past.
是大多數美國民眾的經濟安全逐漸成為歷史，
Normal that people in the street-level marijuana business go to prison
是在街頭做大麻生意的人被送進監獄，
while people in the business of selling ads to Russian intelligence go on magazine covers.
而向俄羅斯情報機構出售廣告的人卻能登上雜志封面，
Normal that bankers could shatter the world economy with their speculating,
是銀行家們用投機行為摧毀世界經濟，
and that they would be among the few to be made whole after the crisis.
最終依然能成為危機過后還能恢復元氣的極個別人之一。
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