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By contrast, Stuckey says, Trump doesn’t reach for America’s loftier values in an attempt to unify.
斯塔基說，相比之下，特朗普并不會為了團結求助于美國的崇高價值。
“Trump isn’t interested in those things,” she says, “he speaks almost exclusively to his base.”
“特朗普對那些東西不感興趣，”她補充說，“他幾乎只對自己的選民說話。”
That suits the base just fine.
這點剛好跟他的選民極為契合。
“All these grandiose speeches,” says Kalnins, who counts himself among those who relish that Trump does not sound like a politician.
“所有那些浮夸的演說，”認為自己也是喜歡特朗普說話不像個政客的那群人中的一員的卡爾寧斯說道。
“Even Bush, who wanted to be the aw-shucks guy, it was all in there, a nice half-hour speech saying absolutely nothing.
“即使是想成為那個謙遜之人的布什的演講也一樣，一場半小時的演講精彩是精彩，到頭來卻等于什么都沒說。
That’s what we’ve gotten away from.
我們就是要擺脫這種做法。
It scares the hell out of some people, but I personally feel that there must have been something there that helped him win,
有些人就覺得嚇得要死，但我個人覺得特朗普能贏肯定是原因的，
because we were on the road of the fall of the Roman Empire.”
我們已經走到了羅馬帝國的滅亡之路上。”
What’s lost in Trump’s approach is any expectation of higher purpose.
特朗普的這種方式所沒有的是對崇高目標的期待。
He makes no apology for lavishing praise on authoritarian leaders that past U.S. Presidents dealt with at arm’s length—
他從不因為大力稱贊那些往屆美國總統紛紛與其保持一定距離的專制領導人而道歉，
Egypt’s Abdul Fattah al-Sisi (“somebody that’s been very close to me from the first time I met him”),
比如埃及總統阿卜杜勒·法塔赫·塞西(“第一次接觸我二人就十分親近”)，
the Philippines’ Rodrigo Duterte (“great relationship”) and Russia’s “strong leader” Vladimir Putin.
菲律賓總統羅德里戈·杜特爾特(，“偉大的關系”)以及俄羅斯的“強勢領導人”弗拉基米爾·普京。
American deference to authoritarian rulers now extends even into the nation’s capital.
美國對獨裁統治者的尊重如今已經蔓延至美國首都。
When Turkey’s Erdogan directed his security detail to beat protesters
2017年5月16日，在媒體的眾目睽睽之下，
in full view of the press on a Washington, D.C., street on May 16, 2017,
土耳其總統雷杰普·塔伊普·埃爾多安公然命令保鏢毆打抗議者，
there were no consequences.
最終沒有承擔任何后果。
Federal charges against his bodyguards were dropped in March,
今年3月，就在埃爾多安與特朗普的國務卿會晤的前一天，
a day before Erdogan was scheduled to meet with Trump’s Secretary of State.
有關方面撤銷了對其保鏢的聯邦指控。
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