In Italy too, the familiar faces of the center-right and center-left, in this case former Prime Ministers Silvio Berlusconi and Matteo Renzi, were pushed aside.
意大利的情形也一樣,熟悉的中右翼和中左翼面孔,這里指的是前總理西爾維奧·貝盧斯科尼和馬特奧·倫齊,被擠到了一邊。
Instead, the Five Star Movement, an anti-establishment party helmed by an angry comedian and secessionist party the League, with partners and supporters that have embraced fascist symbolism, led the way.
而五星運動黨,一個由憤怒而滑稽的分裂主義聯盟黨領導的反建制黨,與其信奉法西斯記號的同伙和擁護者一起,獲得了選舉的勝利。
JUST HOW DAMAGING will this be to the idea of a united Europe?
試想,這會對統一的歐洲這一理念造成多大影響?
Italy's next government, no matter who leads it, will not push for an exit from the E. U. or even from the single currency.
意大利的下屆政府,無論由誰來領導,都不會奮力爭取退出歐盟,就連歐盟的單一貨幣市場都不會退出。
Nor will it deport all those migrants, given the cost and logistics involved.
也不會驅逐所有那些移民,考慮到驅逐他們需要高昂的資金和物流成本。
But it might well launch a spending spree that will enrage the E. U.'s leadership.
但它很可能會帶動一波消費熱潮激怒歐盟領導層。
Both Five Star and the League openly flaunted their disdain for E. U. fiscal rules on the campaign trail,
五星運動黨和聯盟黨都曾公然藐視歐盟立下的競選財政規則,
and any government comprising either will be pressured to deliver on their campaign spending promises.
下一屆政府只要有這兩個黨派中的一個,就將迫于壓力兌現他們那些針對選舉支出的承諾。
Doing so will hit Italy's past deficit reduction efforts, and maybe even reverse them entirely.
然而,這樣做會對意大利過去削減赤字的努力有損,甚至讓這些努力都化為泡影。

Italy struggles to comply with E.U.- mandated debt and structural adjustment targets as it is.
實際上,在遵守歐盟授權的債務和結構調整目標時,意大利已經有些舉步維艱了。
A more confrontational Italy will also spook capital markets at a precarious time for the Italian economy, the euro zone's third largest.
一個更具對抗性的意大利也將在意大利經濟,歐元區第三大經濟體,不穩定時期讓資本市場受驚。
It will also undermine the bid for European reform led by Macron and Merkel.
這也將影響到馬克龍和默克爾領導的歐洲改革的競標。
The French President wants to establish common E.U.-wide policies on defense, taxes and asylum rules for migrants.
這位法國總統希望就移民的國防,稅收和庇護規則制定統一的歐盟政策。
He has also called for a eurozone parliament, euro-zone ministers, a euro-zone budget, better coordination on tax policy and a common approach to border controls.
他還呼吁成立歐元區議會,設歐元區部長,歐元區預算,呼吁歐盟成員國之間的稅收政策能更協調,以及就邊境管制制定統一的政策。
But Italy's government is likely to prove friendlier to the governments in Poland and Hungary, which are now openly defying E.U. rules.
但意大利政府可能會偏向波蘭和匈牙利政府,而這兩個政府現在都是公然蔑視歐盟的。
At a moment when negotiations over Britain's exit are beginning to gather steam,
針對英國退出歐盟一事的談判開始高漲時,
as separatist pressures continue in Spain,
隨著分裂主義的壓力在西班牙繼續上演,
as Eastern European governments challenge Brussels and as outsiders like Russia and Turkey test European unity,
隨著東歐各國政府對布魯塞爾提出質疑,俄羅斯和土耳其等旁觀者也考驗著歐洲的統一,
Italy's latest political convulsion is not a hopeful sign.
意大利最近的政治動蕩并不是一個充滿希望的跡象。
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