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The “old man” was angry. His lips were pursed, his head held high, his Olympian gaze stony. When Nelson Mandela finally started speaking, his words were even more clipped than usual. This was not an irrational fury. Rather, it was the admonitory wrath of a headmaster. It was infused with the empathy of one who appreciated all too well the rage of his audience, yet knew that if South Africa was somehow to emerge intact from the ravages of apartheid it had to be tamed.
“老人”憤怒了。他撅著嘴唇，高昂著頭，目光威嚴而堅定。當納爾遜•曼德拉(Nelson Mandela)終于開始說話時，他的言語比往常更加簡短干脆。這不是失去理智的怒火，而是一個領(lǐng)袖警告式的憤怒。曼德拉的話充滿體諒；他深知聽眾們的怒火，但他也明白：如果南非要安然無恙地從種族隔離的瘡痍中走出，就必須要平抑這股怒火。
It was August 1993. Three and a half blood-soaked years had passed since that diamond-bright afternoon when Mandela was released after 27 years in prison under apartheid. The first all-race elections set for the following April seemed impossibly distant against the backdrop of threats of secession from the white Afrikaner right and daily bloodshed in the townships. Before Mandela in a ramshackle stadium in one of Johannesburg’s desolate townships, thousands of “comrades” rattled makeshift weapons and bayed for revenge. Scores had died in the previous few days in street battles against a rival party. Yet the silver-haired septuagenarian gave no ground.
這是1993年8月。距離曼德拉獲釋的那個鉆石般耀眼的下午已經(jīng)三年半了，曼德拉在種族隔離制度下度過了27年牢獄生涯后出獄，但此后的南非卻沐浴了血雨腥風。在南非右翼白人威脅分離、市鎮(zhèn)里每天爆發(fā)流血沖突的背景下，定于1994年4月舉行的不分種族大選似乎遙不可及。曼德拉講話的地點是約翰內(nèi)斯堡一座荒涼小鎮(zhèn)上的破舊體育場，他面對的是成千上萬名揮舞著簡易武器、高呼報仇口號的“同志們”。就在此前幾天，許多人在與敵對黨派的巷戰(zhàn)中喪生。但這名70多歲的銀發(fā)老人態(tài)度堅決。
“If you have no discipline, you are not freedom fighters and we do not want you in our organisation,” he said in his distinctive reedy tones.
“如果沒有紀律，你們就不是自由戰(zhàn)士，我們的組織不需要你們這樣的人，”曼德拉用他那獨特而尖銳的嗓音說道。
“I am your leader. If you don’t want me, tell me to go and rest. As long as I am your leader I will tell you where you are wrong.” He stared, they muttered, shuffled their feet – and backed down.
“我是你們的領(lǐng)袖。如果你們不需要我，那就讓我離開休息。只要我是你們的領(lǐng)袖，我就會指出你們的錯誤?！彼曋巳?。人群嘟噥著，跺著腳，但還是聽從了曼德拉的命令。
For long years Mandela had been a shadowy symbol of hope, known only from his fiery record in the 1950s and 1960s, his inspirational speech from the dock when on trial for his life, and a grainy picture of him in the exercise yard on Robben Island prison in Cape Town’s Table Bay. As the day of his release in February 1990 had drawn near, some confidants worried he might disappoint. Many in the African National Congress were outraged he had been negotiating with the apartheid rulers and feared he had gone soft. Business people fretted he would be a Rip van Winkle figure clinging to the socialism he had espoused before being imprisoned. He had, after all, a record as something of a firebrand.
多年來，曼德拉象征著希望，但只是個模糊的影子——人們只知道他在二十世紀五六十年代轟轟烈烈的斗爭活動，在碼頭受審（被判處終身監(jiān)禁）時那鼓舞人心的講話，以及他在開普敦桌灣(Table Bay)羅本島監(jiān)獄操場的斑駁照片。隨著他在1990年2月出獄的日期臨近，一些心腹密友曾擔心他可能會讓人失望。許多非國大(ANC)成員不滿他與施行種族隔離的統(tǒng)治者談判，擔心他的立場軟化。商界害怕他成為瑞普•凡•溫克爾(Rip van Winkle)那樣的人，在出獄后堅持自己在入獄前支持的社會主義。畢竟，他有著從事激進活動的記錄。
How wrong they all were. Far from embittering or ossifying him, captivity had steeled him for the challenges ahead, he made clear. While unbending when he wanted to be, as his sometime adversary FW de Klerk ruefully recalls, and deeply loyal to ANC traditions, he had the vision and courage time and again to break with his party’s orthodoxies – in particular over negotiating with his jailers, and jettisoning socialism. He was to be even more remarkable than the ANC had suggested. His history as a freedom fighter and political prisoner was merely the warm-up act to his greatest role of all: the apostle of reconciliation who would seduce the Afrikaners into relinquishing power and lead South Africa back into the world.
他們大錯特錯。曼德拉明確表示，牢獄生涯既沒讓他心生怨恨，也沒令他頭腦僵化，而是鍛煉了他，讓他堅強地面對眼前的挑戰(zhàn)。他曾經(jīng)的敵人德克勒克(FW de Klerk)曾經(jīng)感傷地回憶道，雖然曼德拉會在下定決心時毫不妥協(xié)，并且深深恪守非國大的傳統(tǒng)，但他有遠見、有勇氣，不止一次打破非國大的正統(tǒng)做法——尤其是與囚禁自己的人談判以及放棄社會主義這兩件事。曼德拉比非國大描述的還要非凡。自由戰(zhàn)士和政治犯的經(jīng)歷，不過是為他最偉大的角色做鋪墊罷了：他成為民族和解的領(lǐng)路人，勸誘南非白人交出權(quán)力，引領(lǐng)南非重回世界懷抱。
In the bleak years between his release and democracy he was an itinerant prophet of reconciliation, delivering homily after homily intended to bind his divided nation together. He could be a ponderous speaker. Yet the force of his leadership far outweighed his oratory. One day he would lecture enraged radicals. The next he would address white irredentists. Time and again, all but the most embittered would balk at confronting him as he worked his magic: one moment grand and aloof, every inch the descendant of his family’s chiefly clan, the next joking and teasing, the ultimate street politician yet always a model of old-fashioned courtesy. Now that the country has safely navigated 19 years of democracy it is too easy to forget there was nothing inevitable about South Africa’s fairy tale.
在曼德拉獲釋和南非實現(xiàn)民主化之間的艱難歲月中，他扮演起民族和解先知的角色，奔波于各地，發(fā)表一場場演說，以期將這個分裂的國家團結(jié)起來。他的言辭或許沉悶，但他的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力遠比演說有力。第一天，他還在勸導(dǎo)憤怒的激進分子；第二天，他便在對意欲收復(fù)失地的白人曉以利害。曼德拉上演著自己的魔法：上一刻，他高貴淡然，渾身散發(fā)部落統(tǒng)治家族后代的氣息；下一刻，他幽默風趣，將街頭政治家的手段發(fā)揮到極致，但舉止間總不乏老式的禮貌。正因此，人們總是不愿頂撞他（除了那些怨氣最深的人）。南非已經(jīng)安然度過了19年的民主時期，這讓我們很容易忘記一點：南非的童話并不是聽任歷史發(fā)展就有的必然結(jié)果。
His unwavering style of leadership has led many to regard him as a modern Gandhi. Yet while he at times revelled in the rapture, this description irked him. He was the first to say he was not a saint. He after all championed the ANC’s adoption of the “armed struggle” – even if this was initially a largely symbolic move. He neglected his family in pursuit of his drive to end apartheid, a source of deep sadness later in his life. He was to the end an immensely human figure who loved life and laughter and was subject to the same weaknesses and foibles as the rest of us.
曼德拉堅韌的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)風格令許多人將他視為現(xiàn)代版的甘地(Gandhi)。然而，他雖偶爾陶醉于欣喜中，這種標簽卻令他煩惱。他第一個表示自己并非圣人。畢竟，他支持過非國大的“武裝斗爭”策略，即便此舉最初在很大程度上是名過于實。他為了終結(jié)種族隔離的事業(yè)，而忽視了家庭，為此在后來的生活中遺憾不已。歸根結(jié)底，他是極富有人情味的人，熱愛生活和歡笑，但也擁有與其他人一樣的弱點和缺陷。
Desmond Tutu, his friend and fellow Nobel Peace laureate, was one of the first to question the world’s sanctification of “Madiba” – his clan name, and how he liked to be known. Archbishop Tutu appreciated long before it became a commonplace that the cult of Mandela risked blinding people to the colossal problems facing South Africa. “He is only one pebble on the beach, one of thousands,” he said halfway through Mandela’s term in office. “Not an insignificant pebble, I’ll grant you that, but a pebble all the same.”
曼德拉的朋友、同為諾貝爾和平獎得主的德斯蒙德•圖圖(Desmond Tutu)是最先質(zhì)疑世界上將“馬迪巴”(Madiba)神圣化的人——馬迪巴是曼德拉的族名，也是他喜歡的稱呼。早在其他人普遍認識到問題之前，圖圖大主教便發(fā)現(xiàn)，對曼德拉的狂熱崇拜可能讓人們忽視南非面臨的巨大問題?！八皇巧碁┥系囊活w卵石，成千上萬顆卵石中的一顆，”圖圖在曼德拉擔任總統(tǒng)期間曾說道，“我向你保證，他不是一顆顯眼的卵石，但他還是顆卵石?！?/div>
The “Arch” was right. The otherworldly image of Mandela may have been what the world wanted to believe but, great humanitarian and moral authority as he was, he was foremost a brilliant politician. Reconciliation was not a spontaneous miracle, as some imagined, emanating from the magnificence of his soul. Rather, the seduction of the Afrikaners was plotted in his cell as a way to win power. He pondered many times that his long imprisonment gave him the time to reflect on how he should lead. It was there that he urged fellow prisoners to learn Afrikaans, on the theory you could better defeat your enemy if you spoke their language.
大主教說得對。或許世界愿意相信曼德拉具有這般超凡的形象，但不論他在人道主義和道德方面是多么偉大的楷模，他首先是一位出色的政治家。與一些人的想象不同，民族和解不是源自崇高靈魂而自發(fā)產(chǎn)生的奇跡。相反，曼德拉在監(jiān)獄里便在籌劃通過勸誘南非白人來贏得權(quán)力。他思考過許多次；長期的監(jiān)禁，讓他有充分的時間考慮應(yīng)當如何領(lǐng)導(dǎo)運動。在監(jiān)獄里，他鼓勵獄友們學(xué)習南非荷蘭語。他的理論是，如果會說敵人的語言，便有更大的勝算戰(zhàn)勝敵人。
“I knew that people expected me to harbour anger towards whites,” Mandela later wrote when recalling the morning after his release. “But I had none. In prison my anger towards whites decreased but my hatred for the system grew.”
“我知道，人們期待我怨恨白人，”曼德拉后來曾這樣回憶自己出獄后的那個上午，“但我沒有。在監(jiān)獄里，我對白人的憤恨減少了，但我對制度的憎惡增加了?！?/div>
Twenty-three years later, the “rainbow nation”, as Archbishop Tutu exuberantly labelled the post-apartheid society, is still a work in progress. While relations are transformed, South Africa remains riven by racial and socioeconomic inequality. It was always going to take more than an inspirational leader to overcome the legacy of centuries of discrimination. Yet by force of personality and example, Mandela encouraged the belief that reconciliation really was possible.
23年后的今天，當日被圖圖大主教興奮地稱之為“后種族隔離”社會“彩虹之國”的南非仍然道路漫長。雖然種族關(guān)系得到改變，但南非仍被種族與社會經(jīng)濟不平等割裂?？朔装倌昶缫暤暮筮z癥，不能只靠一位鼓舞人心的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人。不過曼德拉的確依靠人格和榜樣的力量，增強了人們對民族和解可能性的信念。
Sometimes there was a touch of theatre to his drive, such as when he invited the widows and wives of former Afrikaner Nationalist leaders to tea at his residence. Some in the ANC suggested he had gone too far when he travelled to a remote whites-only settlement to visit Betsy Verwoerd, whose husband Hendrik had provided the ideological underpinning of apartheid and enacted some of its most repressive laws. A wrinkled 94-year-old, she spoke with a quavering voice as she offered him coffee and syrupy koeksisters. At an impromptu press conference on her stoep in searing heat, a black journalist pointedly insinuated that Mandela was frittering away his time in office. He replied testily that his drive had cost him little time and yet bound the nation together.
有時候他的舉動有一些表演的意味，比如當他邀請南非白人政黨——南非國民黨(National Party)前領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的遺孀和妻子前往自己的住處喝茶的時候。非國大的一些人認為，當他長途跋涉來到白人居住區(qū)拜訪貝齊•維沃爾德(Betsy Verwoerd)的時候，他做得有些過火，因為她的丈夫亨德里克•維沃爾德(Hendrik Verwoerd)為種族隔離制度奠定了理論基礎(chǔ)，并實施了一些最嚴厲的種族隔離法律。94歲高齡的貝齊滿臉皺紋，嗓音顫抖地說著話，并給曼德拉端上了咖啡和油炸糖漿面圈。曼德拉冒著炙熱高溫在貝齊屋前的門廊上舉行了一場臨時記者招待會。一位黑人記者在會上含沙射影地說道，曼德拉浪費了辦公時間。曼德拉惱火地回應(yīng)道，他的舉動沒有耗費多少時間，卻讓國家團結(jié)在一起。
Mandela knew how important it was to keep Afrikaners loyal. He also knew South Africa could ill-afford what had happened at independence in neighbouring Mozambique: a mass exodus of whites with their skills and capital. So he masked his anger over the past. His campaign reached its zenith in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, a project of astonishing ambition aimed at exorcising the troubled past. Then there was the 1995 Rugby World Cup when he won the hearts of so many Afrikaners with his adoption of “their” game, rugby, inspiring the Springboks to victory against the favourites, all but by his exuberant passion alone.
曼德拉知道讓南非白人保持忠誠是多么重要。他也知道南非無法承受鄰國莫桑比克獨立時的局面：大量白人帶著他們的技術(shù)和資本離開莫桑比克。因此他藏起了自己對過去的不滿。他的“真相與和解委員會”(Truth and Reconciliation Commission)將和解運動推向了高潮。“真相與和解委員會”的偉大抱負在于趕走不愉快的過去。接著到了1995年橄欖球世界杯(Rugby World Cup)，曼德拉贏得了如此多南非白人的心——他支持“他們的”橄欖球比賽，激勵南非跳羚隊(Springboks)擊敗了眾多奪冠熱門球隊，所有這一切僅僅是靠他洋溢在外的熱情做到的。
So what was the secret to the “Madiba magic” and his seduction routine? Intrinsic to his genius was his Protean persona. One day he came across as an old-fashioned aristocrat, another as an impassioned revolutionary leader, and the third as a world statesman. While like any experienced politician he knew how to play an audience, unlike so many leaders in the age of television there was little artifice about his guises.
那么“馬迪巴魔力”和他勸誘南非白人的秘訣是什么？他最根本的天才在于表現(xiàn)出豐富多變的形象。某一天他像老派的貴族，另一天又是充滿激情的革命領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，再一天又成了世界政治家。盡管與所有經(jīng)驗豐富的政治家一樣，曼德拉知道如何打動聽眾，但與電視時代的許多領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人不同的是，他的表現(xiàn)一點也不顯刻意做作。
Rather, they were rooted in his extraordinary life. In his lectures to angry “comrades”, his genes as the scion of chiefs were to the fore. It was as if he were upbraiding a rowdy village assembly, as his forefathers must have done in the past.
相反，他的一舉一動全都植根于他的傳奇生活。當他對著憤怒的“同志們”演講時，他作為酋長后裔的基因凸顯了出來。他的樣子就像是在訓(xùn)斥一群吵鬧的村民，他的祖先必定也這么做過。
Drawing on the precepts he learnt as a child, and also from his missionary teachers, he had an old-world charm. He could be a stickler for protocol. He chided MPs in the German Bundestag for not wearing ties and lectured his ministers and ANC members on punctuality. Yet this was the man who launched a sartorial revolution with his loose-flowing “Madiba shirts” and who was famous for his abhorrence of pomposity and love of the gentle tease. Who else could telephone the Queen and address her as “Elizabeth”?
他從孩童時期就學(xué)到一些信條，從他的傳教老師那里也學(xué)到一些，這些信條讓他擁有老派的傳統(tǒng)魅力。他有時可能會嚴格遵循禮儀。他曾指責德國聯(lián)邦議員不打領(lǐng)帶，并要求他的部長和非國大黨員們守時。然而正是這樣一個人，卻穿著寬松飄逸的“馬迪巴襯衫”發(fā)起了一場衣著革命，并以憎惡浮華和喜歡輕松調(diào)侃而聞名。還有誰能夠給英國女王打電話，稱呼她“伊麗莎白”？
The ability to make people like you is merely the first lesson for aspirant politicians. But even so, Mandela had a particular genius for the glad-handing side of politics, primarily because his warmth seemed genuinely uncontrived. His smile and laugh exuded the joy of one who appreciated every day as a boon.
對有抱負的政治家而言，有能力讓人們喜歡你只是第一課。但曼德拉在發(fā)出政治家式的熱情問候時仍表現(xiàn)出格外的天賦，這主要是因為他的熱情看上去確實不是裝出來的。他的微笑和爽朗的笑聲散發(fā)出由衷的快樂——這是一個將每天視為上帝恩惠的人。
His presidency was not an unalloyed golden age, as his friends concede. He had an autocratic streak. He neglected key policy areas, most critically the fight against HIV/Aids, an omission for which he berated himself in retirement. He had concluded on Robben Island that when in power he should adopt the consensual politics of his forebears’ royal household. This eased the smooth running of the ANC, an amalgam of races, classes, religions and politics, but he was too loyal to underperforming ministers.
他的總統(tǒng)任期并非完美無瑕，正如他的朋友不情愿地承認的那樣。他有獨裁的傾向。他忽視了關(guān)鍵的政策領(lǐng)域，尤其是在抗擊艾滋病方面——他在離任后對這一疏漏自責不已。曼德拉在羅本島監(jiān)獄時就斷定，如果能夠掌握權(quán)力，他應(yīng)該采用他的王室祖先實行的共識政治。這有利于由不同種族、階級、宗教和政治背景的人組成的非國大平穩(wěn)運轉(zhuǎn)，但對于不稱職的部長們，他也過于忠誠了。
There were other blemishes. As the years passed it emerged he had had to make his share of compromises. His close relationships with business people were from time to time called into question. He also displayed an almost naive tolerance for the fawning of celebrities. To the distress of some advisers, the first big celebration of his 90th birthday occurred on a London stage alongside the scandal-wracked Amy Winehouse.
曼德拉還有其他瑕疵。隨著時間的推移，他不得不做出自己的讓步。他與商界人士的密切關(guān)系不時引發(fā)質(zhì)疑。他還對名人們的討好表現(xiàn)出近乎天真的容忍。讓一些顧問感到痛苦的是，在曼德拉90歲生日于倫敦舉行的首場大型慶典上，丑聞纏身的艾米•懷恩豪斯(Amy Winehouse)也出現(xiàn)在舞臺上。
Yet as South Africa falters at confronting some of the messy issues of the post-apartheid era, his record rightly appears if anything more magical even than when he was president. His ANC generation has a mythical status: Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu and so many more. Amid the intermittent stumbles of his successors, the benefits of South Africa’s having embarked on democracy under a man who led with such clarity and principle were all the clearer.
當南非跌跌撞撞地遭遇后種族隔離時代的一些麻煩時，曼德拉擔任總統(tǒng)時的歷史甚至顯得愈加神奇。他那一代的非國大黨員都是神話般的人物：曼德拉、奧利弗•坦博(Oliver Tambo)、沃爾特•西蘇魯(Walter Sisulu)等等許多人。當他的繼任者不時地遭遇挫折時，南非早已在曼德拉明確而有原則的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下實行民主的好處，便更加凸現(xiàn)出來。
The failure of leadership is arguably the greatest curse to have afflicted sub-Saharan Africa since it won independence. The history of the continent in the second half of the 20th century is littered with the examples of “big men” independence leaders who came to power vowing to liberate their people from the tyranny of the colonial past and then never left office, invariably deploying the rhetoric of liberation to justify misdeeds. The lesson was clear: once undermined, the independence of democratic institutions is hard to recover.
領(lǐng)導(dǎo)失敗可以說是自撒哈拉以南非洲地區(qū)獨立以來遭受的最大詛咒。這片大陸在20世紀后半葉的歷史充斥著這樣的例子：那些領(lǐng)導(dǎo)獨立運動的“大人物”上臺時，承諾將本國人民從殖民地專制統(tǒng)治下解放出來，之后卻絕不下臺，千篇一律地以解放為由為其種種惡行辯解。教訓(xùn)是清楚的：一旦民主機構(gòu)的獨立性遭到破壞，便很難恢復(fù)。
So Mandela’s unflinching support for the independence of the courts, the media and state institutions set a vital precedent. He respected their rulings even when white judges from the old era ruled in favour of apartheid leaders. He himself appeared in court when subpoenaed in a dispute over the national rugby squad – and more agonisingly when petitioning for divorce from his second wife, Winnie. For such a private man it was patently painful to have to testify about the intimacies of their relationship. Yet there he stood, stiffly upright in the simple courtroom, testifying in a quavering voice, as the law required.
因此曼德拉對法院、媒體和國家機構(gòu)獨立性的堅定支持確立了一個重要的先例。即便舊時代的白人法官做出過有利于種族隔離領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的判決，他也尊重這些判決。他自己也曾親自出庭應(yīng)訴，一次是因一場圍繞國家橄欖球隊的爭議而接到法院傳票，另一次更令他痛苦的是，第二任妻子溫妮(Winnie)要求離婚。對這樣一個退隱的人來說，出庭闡述兩人的婚姻關(guān)系顯然非常痛苦。然而他站到了那里，按照法律的要求，筆直地站在簡樸的法庭上，以顫抖的聲音講述證詞。
Strikingly, he did not indulge in the ruinous relativism that had led to so many abuses in Africa passing unrebuked in the continent. But most important of all, he believed in leading by example. He was the last of Africa’s liberation leaders to take charge and was acutely aware of the need to buck their trend by serving just one term. It was a parting gift of incalculable value to a fledgling democracy. He was indeed the father of the nation.
更引人注目的是，他沒有讓自己沉溺于破壞力巨大的相對主義（導(dǎo)致了新種族主義，編者注）。相對主義在非洲大陸導(dǎo)致了大量任意妄為，它們甚至沒有受到責難。但最重要的是，他信奉以身作則。他是非洲解放運動領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人中最后一位掌權(quán)的，并且敏銳地意識到有必要抵制長期掌權(quán)的趨勢，因此只擔任了一任總統(tǒng)。它是曼德拉贈送給南非新生民主體制的禮物，價值無法估量。他實際上是南非之父。
Don’t put me on a pedestal, I am human, he liked to say. He once bemoaned his image as a demigod. Yet who could dispute that he presides over the pantheon of great leaders of the 20th century?
他喜歡說，別盲目崇拜我，我只是個普通人。他曾經(jīng)為自己半人半神的形象哀嘆。然而誰又能否認，在20世紀最偉大的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人中，他的確是首屈一指的？
The writer, the FT’s news editor, was a correspondent in South Africa from 1993 to1998 and 2006 to 2008
本文作者是英國《金融時報》新聞編輯，曾于1993-1998年和2006-2008年在南非擔任記者。
| 重點單詞 | 查看全部解釋 | |||
| testify | ['testifai] |
想一想再看 v. 證明，作證，聲明 |
聯(lián)想記憶 | |
| residence | ['rezidəns] |
想一想再看 n. 住處，住宅，居住 |
聯(lián)想記憶 | |
| naive | [nɑ'i:v] |
想一想再看 adj. 天真的，幼稚的 |
聯(lián)想記憶 | |
| streak | [stri:k] |
想一想再看 n. 條理，斑紋，傾向，少許，痕跡 |
聯(lián)想記憶 | |
| concede | [kən'si:d] |
想一想再看 vt. 承認，給予 |
聯(lián)想記憶 | |
| tyranny | ['tirəni] |
想一想再看 n. 暴政，苛政，專制 |
聯(lián)想記憶 | |
| magical | ['mædʒikəl] |
想一想再看 adj. 魔術(shù)的，有魔力的，神奇的 |
||
| protean | [prəu'ti:ən] |
想一想再看 adj. 千變?nèi)f化的，變化不定的 |
聯(lián)想記憶 | |
| vital | ['vaitl] |
想一想再看 adj. 至關(guān)重要的，生死攸關(guān)的，有活力的，致命的 |
聯(lián)想記憶 | |
| initially | [i'niʃəli] |
想一想再看 adv. 最初，開頭 |
