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Charlemagne
查理曼
Russia's friends in black
俄羅斯的隱形朋友
Why Europe's populists and radicals admire Vladimir Putin
為何歐洲民粹派與激進派皆欣賞普京
IF EUROPE'S far-right parties do as well as many expect in May's European election, no world leader will be happier than Vladimir Putin. For a man who claims to be defending Russian-speakers in Ukraine against fascists and Nazis, the Russian president has some curious bedfellows on the fringes of European politics, ranging from the creepy uniformed followers of Jobbik in Hungary to the more scrubbed-up National Front in France.
倘若在不久的五月歐洲大選上，歐洲右翼黨派的表現能如很多人所期望的那樣，那么普京應該是最為此而開心的領導人。俄總統曾表示自己會支持護衛在烏克蘭對峙法西斯和納粹的俄國民眾，他也由此獲得幾位處于歐洲政治邊緣的特殊盟友，包括“為了更好的匈牙利運動”（Jobbik）的團結一致的追隨者，和更透明的法國民族陣線。
There was a time when Russia's friends were principally on the left. There are still some pro-Moscow communists, for instance in Greece. But these days the Kremlin's chums are most visible on the populist right. The crisis in Ukraine has brought out their pro-Russian sympathies, most overtly when a motley group of radicals was invited to vouch for Crimea's referendum on rejoining Russia. The “observers” included members of the National Front, Jobbik, the Vlaams Belang in Belgium, Austria's Freedom Party (FPO) and Italy's Northern League, as well as leftists from Greece and Germany and an assortment of eccentrics. They declared that the ballot, denounced by most Western governments as illegitimate, had been exemplary.
曾一度，俄羅斯的盟友主要為左翼分子?，F在部分地區仍有親俄共產主義者，希臘就是其一。而如今克里姆林宮的密友多屬于民粹派。烏克蘭危機激起他們的親俄情緒，且當一大幫混雜的激進分子受邀擔保有關克里米亞重返俄羅斯的公投一事時，這種親俄情緒達到高潮。這些所謂的“觀察家”有來自法國民族陣線、“為了更好的匈牙利運動”、比利時弗拉芒利益黨、奧地利自由黨和意大利北黨的，還有希臘與德國的左翼分子及一伙各式各樣的奇葩。他們宣言，被多數西方政府譴責為非法的選舉早已為典范。
So what does Europe's far right see in Mr Putin? As nationalists of various stripes, their sympathies might have lain with their Ukrainian fellows fighting to escape Russian influence. In fact, argues Peter Kreko of Political Capital, a Hungarian think-tank, beyond favourable treatment in Russian-sponsored media, many are attracted by Mr Putin's muscular assertion of national interests, his emphasis on Christian tradition, his opposition to homosexuality and the way he has brought vital economic sectors under state control. For some, pan-Slavic ideas in eastern Europe play a role. A common thread is that many on the far right share Mr Putin's hatred for an order dominated by America and the European Union. For Mr Putin, support from the far right offers a second channel for influence in Europe.
那么，歐洲極右派究竟從普京身上看出了什么？作為各國的民族主義者，他們對俄的憐憫之心或許是因烏克蘭伙伴努力掙脫俄羅斯影響而起。實際上，匈牙利諸葛亮——政治資本研究所的研究主任彼得·科瑞克(Peter Kreko)發表說，多數人支持俄羅斯，不止因為受到俄羅斯媒體友好相待，還因為受到普京的鼓舞，他信誓旦旦地表態一切以國家利益為重，強調發揚基督傳統美德，反對同性戀，且成功實現國家對重要經濟行業的有效控制。對另外一些人而言，東歐的泛斯拉夫主義也起到一定促進作用。當然有一重要連線就是許多人和普京一樣憎惡當下由美國和歐盟掌控的格局。對普京而言，有了極右翼分子的支持，俄羅斯又多了一種影響歐洲的新途徑。
The flirtation with Russia first became apparent in eastern Europe some years ago, despite memories of Soviet occupation. Jobbik, which took 20% of the vote in Hungary's recent election, denounced Russian riots in Estonia after the removal of a Soviet war memorial in 2007. But a year later it backed Russia's military intervention in Georgia. Far-right parties in Bulgaria and Slovakia also supported Russia. Since then, Russian influence has become apparent in western Europe, too. Marine Le Pen, leader of the National Front, has been given red-carpet treatment in Moscow and even visited Crimea last year. At December's congress of Italy's Northern League, pro-Putin officials were applauded when they spoke of sharing “common Christian European values”. Among those attending were three nascent allies: Geert Wilders of the Netherlands' Party for Freedom, Heinz-Christian Strache of the FPO, and Ludovic de Danne, Ms Le Pen's European adviser.
最先和俄羅斯套近乎的是東歐地區，發生于數年前，盡管它有過被蘇維埃侵占的歷史。不久前的匈牙利選舉大會上，選民占20%的“為了更好的匈牙利運動”曾在07年當全國已然忘卻蘇維埃對其的侵占史后，公開譴責俄羅斯在喬治亞州發動的暴亂。然而，一年過后，格魯吉亞轉而贊同俄軍事干涉喬治利亞。保加利亞和的極右黨同樣也支持俄羅斯。從此，俄在西歐的影響力也已顯露無疑。 法國民族陣線領袖馬琳·勒龐（Marine Le Pen）去年已在莫斯科受到紅毯待遇，甚至還訪問了克米利亞。12月，意大利的北方聯盟國會上，當親普京官員發言共同擁護歐洲基督教價值觀時，博得陣陣掌聲。當時的參會人員為三大新生盟友：荷蘭右翼自由黨領袖威爾德(Geert Wilders)、奧地利自由黨領袖海因茨.斯特拉赫(Heinz-Christian Strache)和馬琳·勒龐的歐洲顧問Ludovic de Danne（沒查到譯名）。
For Mr de Danne the parties share an aversion to the euro and, more widely, to the EU's federalist dream. They oppose globalisation and favour protectionism. They seek a “Europe of homelands”, stretching from Lisbon to Vladivostok. As for Ukraine, he calls the revolution in Kiev “illegitimate” and says the referendum in Crimea was justified by the pro-Russian sentiment of the Crimean population. By attaching themselves to the EU and America, Ukraine's new rulers expose their country to IMF oppression and the pillage of its natural resources. Such dalliance with Mr Putin may create trouble for Mr Wilders, who sees the EU as a monster but is a strong supporter of gay rights. According to Mr de Danne, the Eurosceptic alliance has agreed to co-ordinate only on internal EU matters, not international affairs.
在（Mr de Danne）看來，這些黨派均憎惡歐元，或說得更廣些，均不認同歐盟未來的聯邦藍圖。他們反對全球主義，支持保護主義。他們在尋找“歐洲家園”，該版圖橫跨里斯本至符拉迪沃斯托克（俄羅斯一城市）。至于烏克蘭，他稱的基輔革命（烏克蘭共和國首都）是非法的，克里米亞的公投因本國的親俄情感是合理公正的。烏克蘭新任領導人親附歐盟與美國，實質上是置本國于國際貨幣基金組織壓迫之下，置國內自然資源于遭掠奪境地。如此與普京拉近關系，之后或許會給那位視歐盟為禽獸卻大贊同性戀關系威爾德（Mr Wilders）帶來諸多麻煩。據（Mr de Danne）透露，反歐聯盟已達成協議，僅就歐盟內部事務展開合作，國際事務不在合作范圍之內。
A degree of admiration for Mr Putin also stretches to Britain's UK Independence Party (UKIP). It sees Ms Le Pen and Mr Wilders as too tainted by racism and is parting ways with the Northern League. But UKIP's leader, Nigel Farage, while insisting he dislikes Mr Putin's methods, thinks the Russian leader has skilfully wrong-footed America and Europe. The EU, he declared in a televised debate, “has blood on its hands” for raising Ukraine's hopes of EU membership and provoking Mr Putin. Mr Farage's critique is perhaps a way of attacking the EU's enlargement policy, which is now linked by many to immigration. Yet it is also an implicit admission that the club remains attractive to those outside it.
追捧普京熱潮已襲至英國獨立黨(UKIP)。它認為馬琳·勒龐 and 威爾德已被民族主義沖昏頭腦，正和北方聯盟分道揚鑣。英國獨立黨領袖奈杰爾·法拉奇(Nigel Farage)盡管不認同普京的處事方法，但仍覺得這位俄羅斯總統巧妙地將美國和歐盟打得措手不及。一次，他在電視辯論上曾批判歐盟“雙手沾滿血腥味兒”，因為是它挑起俄米爭端進而引發戰爭，是它鼓吹烏克蘭心生獨立入歐的想法并迫害普京。奈杰爾·法拉奇如此批判歐盟，或許意在攻擊歐盟的擴張策略，這種策略現多和移民相關聯。然而，無可否認的是，正如城外人總是想往城內擠，許多非歐盟成員仍是熱切希望加入該組織。
Hello, Comrade
你好，戰友
Mr Putin is too clever to rely only on Europe's insurgent parties, successful as some may be. So as well as cultivating anti-establishment groups, he has worked to entice national elites. While Jobbik advocates closer economic relations with the east, Hungary's Prime Minister, Viktor Orban, is already doing it. A veteran of the struggle against communism, embodying the catchphrase “Goodbye, Comrade”, Mr Orban recently signed a deal with Russia to expand a nuclear-power plant, financed by a 10 billion ($14 billion) Russian loan. He has sought to weaken European sanctions against Russia. In Italy the Northern League's leader, Matteo Salvini, may shout “viva the referendum in Crimea”, but Matteo Renzi, the centre-left prime minister, has also been assiduous in resisting tough sanctions.
雖然單靠歐洲那些叛黨，普京或許就能實現自己的目標，但他非常精明，在這過程中還動用了其它力量。一方面鼓吹建立反歐盟組織，另一方面還誘使國家精英為其所用。盡管還在提議加強與東歐的經濟聯系，匈牙利總理維克多·奧班（Viktor Orban）早已將其付諸實踐。維克多·奧班馳騁打倒共產主義戰場多年，充分闡述了“再見，戰友”這一短語。近期，他與俄簽署了擴建核發電站的協議，將得到俄100億英鎊（140億美元）的經濟援助。他竭力削減歐盟對俄羅斯的國際制裁。意大利北方聯盟領袖馬特奧·薩利維尼(Matteo Salvini)也許會呼喊“克米利亞公投萬歲”，但中左翼總理馬特奧·蘭奇(Matteo Renzi)也在奮力抵制嚴格的國際制裁。
Anti-EU parties will no doubt become stronger and noisier, but they lack the numbers and the cohesion fundamentally to change EU business in the European Parliament. Their effect will be more subtle. They may force mainstream parties in the parliament into more backroom deals, deepening the EU's democratic deficit. Their agitation is more likely to influence national politics and to push governments into more Eurosceptic positions. And they will provide an echo chamber for Mr Putin, making it harder still for the Europeans to come up with a firm and united response to Mr Putin's military challenge to the post-war order in Europe. There is more at stake in May than a protest vote.
反歐各黨必然會逐日強大，反對聲音也會日漸加大，但他們的盟友太少，且眼下缺少徹底改變歐盟大事在歐洲議會地位的凝聚力。但，他們也將產生更微妙的影響力。他們或許能夠迫使議會主要黨派進行黑箱操作，加重歐盟民主危機。而且，他們這種不滿情緒很可能會波及各國政治，誘導各政府開始反歐。與此同時，他們還會提供普京“回音室”，這樣使得歐洲更難堅定一致地對抗普京敢于改變歐洲格局的軍事行動。五月，不僅僅只是抗議投票遭遇重重危機。翻譯：徐珍 校對：王穎
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