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If the trade unionist Jimmy Hoffa were alive today, he would probably represent civil servant.
如果工會(huì)會(huì)員Jimmy Hoffa今天還活著，他也許會(huì)是公務(wù)員的代表。
When Hoffa's Teamsters were in their prime in 1960, only one in ten American government workers belonged to a union; now 36% do.
1960年Hoffa的組織Teamsters處于全盛時(shí)期，美國政府工作人員中只有十分之一的人屬于某一個(gè)公會(huì)；現(xiàn)在這個(gè)比率是36%。
In 2009 the number of unionists in America's public sector passed that of their fellow members in the private sector.
2009年任職于美國公共部門的工會(huì)會(huì)員人數(shù)超過了任職于私營部門的工會(huì)會(huì)員人數(shù)。
In Britain, more than half of public-sector workers but only about 15% of private-sector ones are unionized.
在英國，在公共部門的工作人員中半數(shù)以上參加了工會(huì)，而私營部門的工作人員只有大約15%的人參加了工會(huì)組織。
There are three reasons for the public-sector unions' thriving.
公共部門工會(huì)如此盛行的原因有三個(gè)。
First, they can shut things down without suffering much in the way of consequences.
第一，他們能夠脫身，而不用承擔(dān)太多后果。
Second, they are mostly bright and well-educated.
第二，他們中間大部分人聰明，受過良好教育。
A quarter of America's public-sector workers have a university degree.
美國公共部門的工作人員中四分之一的人有大學(xué)學(xué)位。
Third, they now dominate left-of-centre politics.
第三，他們現(xiàn)在在政治中的左翼力量中占主導(dǎo)地位。
Some of their ties go back a long way.
其中有些關(guān)系有很長的歷史。
Britain's Labor Party, as its name implies, has long been associated with trade unionism.
正如其名，英國工黨和工會(huì)組織的關(guān)系由來已久。
Its current leader, Ed Miliband, owes his position to votes from public-sector unions.
其現(xiàn)任領(lǐng)導(dǎo)Miliband把自己得到的位置歸功于來自公共部門工會(huì)組織的投票。
At the state level their influence can be even more fearsome.
從州范圍來看，他們的影響更為嚇人。
Mark Baldassare of the Public Policy Institute of California points out that much of the state's budget is patrolled by unions.
加利福尼亞州公共政策研究院的Mark Baldassare指出，本州大部分預(yù)算都由工會(huì)來檢查。
The teachers' unions keep an eye on schools, the CCPOA on prisons and a variety of labor groups on health care.
教師工會(huì)關(guān)注學(xué)校，加利福尼亞感化治安官協(xié)會(huì)關(guān)心監(jiān)獄，各型各色的勞工團(tuán)體關(guān)注衛(wèi)生保健。
In many rich countries average wages in the state sector are higher than in the private one.
在很多富裕國家，公共部門的平均工資要高于私營部門的平均工資。
But the real gains come in benefits and work practices.
但是真正的收入來源于利潤和工作表現(xiàn)。
Politicians have repeatedly "backloaded" public-sector pay deals,
政客已不停地加強(qiáng)公共部門的工資待遇，
keeping the pay increases modest but adding to holidays and especially pensions that are already generous.
工資漲幅不大，但卻加長本來就不少的假期，特別是增加本來就很多的養(yǎng)老保險(xiǎn)金。
Reform has been vigorously opposed, perhaps most egregiously in education,
對于變革的反對一直都很強(qiáng)烈，在教育方面最為驚人。
where charter schools, academies and merit pay all faced drawn-out battles.
在教育方面，契約學(xué)校、專科學(xué)校、績效獎(jiǎng)都面臨著持久戰(zhàn)。
Even though there is plenty of evidence that the quality of the teachers is the most important variable,
盡管有大量證據(jù)表明教師的質(zhì)量是最重要的變量，
teachers' unions have fought against getting rid of bad ones and promoting good ones.
但教師工會(huì)反對解雇不好的教師，提升好教師。
As the cost to everyone else has become clearer, politicians have begun to clamp down.
對其他每個(gè)人的支出變得更為清晰，政客開始強(qiáng)制執(zhí)行。
In Wisconsin the unions have rallied thousands of supporters against Scott Walker, the hardline Republican governor.
在威斯康辛州，工會(huì)集結(jié)了成千上萬的支持者，反對走強(qiáng)硬路線的州長，即共和黨人Scott Walker。
But many within the public sector suffer under the current system, too.
但很多任職于公共部門的工作人員也在目前的體制下受罪。
John Donahue at Harvard's Kennedy School points out that the norms of culture in Western civil services
哈佛肯尼迪學(xué)院的John Donahue指出，西方公務(wù)員系統(tǒng)的文化準(zhǔn)則
suit those who want to stay put but is bad for high achievers.
適合這些想留在原地過安逸生活的人們，但并不適合那些表現(xiàn)好的人們。
The only American public-sector workers who earn well above $250,000 a year are university sports coaches and the president of the United States.
任職于美國公共部門的工作人員中，只有大學(xué)體育教練和美國總統(tǒng)每年的收入遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)高于250，000美元。
Bankers' fat pay packets have attracted much criticism,
銀行的高收入招致了很多批評，
but a public-sector system that does not reward high achievers may be a much bigger problem for America.
但對于美國來講，在公共部門體制中，沒有給表現(xiàn)好的工作人員足夠的回報(bào)可能會(huì)成為更為嚴(yán)重的問題。
